As with other institutions in Mexico, independence had a profound impact on the Church. Its financial strength had been undermined by the 1767 seizure of Jesuit property, the 1804 Consolidation decree, and war damage to remaining Church property. The Church also suffered because of the close association between the Church hierarchy and the Crown during the independence struggle.136
Even though its wealth had declined, the Church did retain title to vast properties, urban and rural. It continued to charge fees for marriages, baptisms, and other religious services and receive the agricultural tithe. To the extent it was possible with its diminished resources, the Church continued to provide credit. In addition, as in colonial times, the Church maintained birth, marriage, and death records.137
Independence produced a sharp decline in the number of priests, as some priests sympathizing with the rebels had been executed during the independence war, some Spanish priests were expelled, priests ceased to arrive from Spain, and the number of native-born clergy declined. Many parishes were left unattended, and, as a result, Mass and sacraments were often unavailable. The number of clergy fell from 7,341 in 1810 to 4,008 by the 1830s.138
With the authority of the Crown gone, the Church acted with little restraint from civil authority. Nevertheless, it worked in relative harmony with civil officials to pursue the common goal of social control. The Church emerged as one of the few cohesive forces in Mexico, transcending regional and class differences. Lucas Alaman commented that the Church formed “the only common bond which united all Mexicans, when all the rest have been broken.”139
Toward the middle of the century, as the Church regained its strength, anti-clericalism became a potent force. Many politicians envied the Church, which was obviously more stable, wealthier, and more popular than the government. Thus they sought to tax and control it to restore the balance between Church and state. They also felt Church power and privileges retarded economic growth. This feeling was especially strong among young, upwardly mobile professionals who viewed the Church as an obstacle to nation-building and to their own economic and social aspirations. The more radical liberals (puros) viewed an all-out attack on remaining Church wealth and power as a necessary condition for change. The notion that the Church hindered growth and undermined national sovereignty was largely restricted to the elite and to those aspiring to that status.140
To fend off liberal attacks, the Church allied with political conservatives and became more conservative itself. Since conservatives felt the Church provided spiritual certainty and bore a long social and cultural tradition that bound society together, they responded vigorously to attacks on the religious establishment.141