The years 1304 to 1306 saw Robert Bruce move rapidly and dramatically from being the ally of Edward I to being the murderer of John Comyn, leader of the political community of Scotland (10 February 1306), and six weeks afterwards to acquiring the kingship of Scotland, a prize his &mily had long sought. It is natural to link the capture and violent execution of William Wallace (August 1305) with Bruce’s decision to seize the crown and carry on Wallace’s ‘heroic’ work. It has been seen, however, that there was no natural affinity between Wallace and Bruce. Wallace’s execution certainly raised the political temperature among the leaders of the Scottish political community at the time but the seeds of the Bruce ‘coup’ were already being sown in 1304.
As has been noted previously, Robert Bruce the future King was very much a product of his family background and was greatly influenced by his family’s political ambitions, especially those of his grandfather. Robert Bruce, the Competitor, who had died in 1295, was described by the Lanercost Chronicle as ‘a noble man of England as well as of Scotland, heir of Annandale [who] departed from this world, aged and full of days. He was of handsome appearance, a gifted speaker, remarkable for his influence.’ The future King’s grandfather probably influenced him more than his father had done but there is no doubt that his ftther’s death on 21 April 1304 radically changed Bmce’s personal circumstances. Now aged thirty, Robert Bruce owned the lordship of Annandale as well as the earldom of Carrick and part of Garioch (Aberdeenshire). He was acting guardian for his young neighbour in the north, Donald, Earl of Mar (and nephew by marriage), and thus exercised more influence in northern Scotland than ever before. With his father’s death, Bruce had inherited his ftmily’s claim to the Scottish throne, which his grandfather had skilfully passed on to his successors before a final judgement was made in ftvour of John Balliol. This claim had been a strong factor affecting the internal politics of Scotland after the death of Alexander III in 1286. Robert Bruce, twelve years of age in 1286, must have been very conscious of his grandfrther’s determination to pursue the family’s
Seal of Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick (d. 1304), the father of the future king, depicted on the obverse of the seal (c. 1285) in chain mail, surcoat, helmet with grated visor and a sword in his right hand. By permission of the Court of the Lord Lyon.
Claim after 1286. Bruce inherited his femily’s claim and ambitions at a very fortuitous time — the submission negotiated by John Comyn in February 1304 dealt a great blow to the revival of John Balliol’s kingship; it was also known that Edward I was ill and not expected to live long.
Overleaf:
Kildrummy Castle, one of the largest baronial castles of thirteenth-century Scotland. Robert Bruce held It by 1305 as the guardian of the Earl of Mar.
Although the Scottish kingdom developed a mature and sophisticated government in the second half of the thirteenth century with a clear idea of its own identity, laws, customs and independence, there was a pragmatic common sense displayed by political groups in Scotland in their awareness of the greater military power and influence of their neighbour, England. Both Comyns and Bruces had consistently appealed for English help during political troubles in Scotland since 1286. Robert Bruce’s actions in the period 1304 to 1306 must, therefore, be placed in the context of Edward I’s plans for Scotland after the 1304 submission, and also his plans for Bruce himself. Edward seems to have learnt from some of the mistakes made in 1296 over his management of Scotland after Dunbar. He had already started to appoint more Scots to his administration as he gradually won more control in 1303 and 1304. He rewarded, for instance, those Scots such as Alexander de Abemethy; John, Earl of AthoU; William, Earl of Ross and Robert Bruce, who had all submitted to him before 1304. Bruce was made Sheriff of Ayr and Lanark in 1303,
A role he retained in 1304. Further, Edward I used Robert Bruce with Robert Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow, and John de Mowbray as his Scottish advisers during the consultation process before the final settlement for the governance of Scodand was agreed, the Ordinances of September 1305.
After the dust had setded and Edward I’s arrangements for the new consritution of Scodand were known through the Ordinances, Robert Bruce must have been very disappointed at how small a role he had in the governing of Scodand. Following the recommendation of the three Scottish advisers, ten representatives were to be elected by the Scottish community of the realm to act as advisers to the English parliament in filming the Ordinances — Robert Bruce was not one of the ten. According to the 1305 Ordinances, Bruce held no position of responsibility in Scotland and he had even lost the sherifidoms of Ayr and Lanark, which he had held until 1304. The only body in which Bruce is named is the council of twenty-one Scots, an advisory council to the new lieutenant of Scotland, John of Brittany. This was a list dominated by the Comyns and their associates and seems to reflect those whom Edward I viewed as comprising the political community of the realm. The Ordinances of 1305 not only seem to diminish Bruce’s hopes and ambitions, they also seem to reflect some lack of trust in Bruce’s loyalty: ‘Further it is agreed that the earl of Garrick be ordered to put the casde of Kildrummy in the keeping of a man for whom he is willing to answer.’ Compared to other Scottish nobles who had surrendered before the general Scottish submission of 1304, including some who had submitted after Bruce’s agreement with Edward I, e. g. John, Earl of AthoU, William, Earl of Ross and Alexander de Abemethy, Robert Bruce seems to have been given less responsibility and very little, if any, reward for the military support he gave Edward I. He was not even rewarded with land for his allegiance in war since early 1302.
This treatment of Robert Bruce in 1305 may reflect some suspicion surrounding Bruce’s actions in 1304. This concern would certainly have been warranfed. Bruce was making his own plans as early as 11 June 1304 when he drew up a secret bond with William Lamberton, Bishop of St Andrews, promising ‘to be of one another’s counsel in all their business and aftairs at all times and against whichever individuals’. This pact must be placed into the context of unrest following the submission of February 1304. Certain individuals were very slow to submit —James Stewart, Simon Fraser and Ingram de Umphraville had not submitted by 12 April; William Wallace and John de Soules refused to submit; Stirling Castle was not captured by the English until July 1304. A number of Scottish nobles had grievances during the course of the years 1304 and 1305. James Stewart, for example, did not get his lands back until November 1305. Simon Fraser submitted bte, perhaps as late as 1305, and was punished with a long exile as well as paying three year’s value of his lands for their restoration to him. In most cases the threat of exile as punishment for those who submitted to
Edward I was remitted in favour of a money fine. Bishop Robert Wishart of Glasgow was also punished more harshly than othen in the surrender terms of 1304. Edward’s impatience with the lingering resistance to him after February 1304 caused him to issue a challenge, on the day after the siege of Stirling was over, to the leading nobles of Scotland to prove their loyalty to him in very practical terms. They were told ‘to make an effort between now and 13 January 1305 to take Sir William Wallace and hand him over to the king so that he can see how each one bears himself whereby he can have better regard towards the one who takes him’.
Seal of Marjorie Bruce, Countess of Carrick, and mother of the future king. The pointed oval seal (c. 1285) depicts a shield of arms (those of her husband), which is suspended from a tree. By permission of the Court of the Lord Lyon.
This atmosphere of unrest evident in 1304 seems to be confirmed by signs of other plotting. When Wallace was eventually captured in August 1305, documents were found in his possession linking him in ‘confederations’ with unspecified Scottish nobles. It is not known if Bruce was involved in this too, though it is possible given Wallace’s known links with Lamberton. It is clear, however, that Bruce was seeking wider support. The weakness of the Bruces’ position and their claims to power since 1286 was due to an insufficiendy wide power base.
An alliance with Lamberton certainly broadened his support. It could be said that Wallace was too much in favour of Balliol as King to rally behind Bruce while Balliol was still alive. Bmce, however, seems to have been casting for support wherever he could find it. Any conspiracy in 1304 would have had to take into account the power of the Comyns, the force behind the Balliol kingship. The Comyns’ position had not collapsed with the submission of 1304 — they had lost fK>litical power at the centre of Scottish government thougfi they retained their vast landed influence on payment of a fine and also retained much political authority in the localities through their network of associates whom Edward I sougfit to employ to control northern Scodand.
According to tradition established by nationalist writers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
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