Over the course of the twentieth century Cambodian society was divided into two main groups: a small urban elite and a large rural peasantry. The peasantry was educationally as well as economically disadvantaged. According to 1997 estimates from the
United Nations, 52 percent of adult Cambodian men and 66 percent of adult Cambodian women were illiterate.
In the years following World War II the Cambodian population grew rapidly. Since 90 percent of the people supported themselves on their own plots of land, population growth meant that there was less land available. Those peasants who inherited or managed to acquire more land than they needed were able to rent to others, so that growing economic inequality accompanied increasing economic hardship. Moreover, inflation ate away at the well-being of most Cambodians throughout the 1950's and 1960's and intensified social tensions and resentments.
The majority of Cambodians, having little formal education and few opportunities to participate in politics, did not see their national allegiance as a matter of support for principles of government or for a political system. Instead, they tended to be loyal to Prince Norodom Sihanouk. This loyalty meant that the stability of the government depended heavily on a single leader.
Members of the elite were also affected by inflation and by the underdeveloped state of Cambodia's economy. Those who managed to receive a Western-style education were generally unable to find jobs corresponding to their educational level, and the highly centralized nature of Cambodia's government made it difficult for them to participate in the country's political life. Radical ideologies were therefore appealing to many frustrated, alienated children of well-to-do families. Those who were educated in France, in particular, came into contact not only with French ideas about the equality of all people but also with radical Marxist theories that advocated achieving equality through violent revolution.
World History
