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8-08-2015, 17:09

JOHN NESBITT

The term ‘sigillography’ refers to an auxiliary discipline which centres primarily on the reading, dating, and interpretation of Byzantine lead seals. Seals were made of gold, silver, wax, and lead, but few of a friable or expensive fabric survive. Within the household people utilized wax for sealing a variety of objects, including cabinet doors and letters. In order to affix a wax seal, one would have employed a signet ring in metal or hardstone or a cone seal of the same materials (Vikan and Nesbitt 1980: 10-25). On an official level, wax seals were used, from at least 1074 onward, to validate certain imperial decrees, such as horismoi, as well as certain chrysoboulla sigillia, to which might additionally have been attached a gold seal (Oikonomides 1979: 125). The use of gold seals was the exclusive right of the emperor. They were attached to chrysoboulla—important state documents, including correspondence with the heads of foreign states (Grierson 1966; see Dolger 1948: no. 7, plate 7 for an example). Only some forty gold seals are known, but among metal seals, silver bullae, employed to impart legal authority to the acts of the Greek despots of Epiros and the Peloponnese, are still rarer (cf. I.2.12A Imperial chrysobulls).

In contrast, some 17,000 lead seals are preserved in the Harvard Collections alone and worldwide perhaps 60,000 seals survive. The sheer number of extant lead seals makes them an important resource for historical and art historical research. But in order to understand fully their potential, we need first consider who employed lead seals. The simple fact is that the practice of sealing in lead was widespread and occurred among all ranks of society: from emperors, prominent churchmen, and imperial officials, down to lowly prelates and simple businessmen. For example, see Zacos and Veglery 1972: entries nos. 7, 1480, 1576, and 1706, where are published

Fig. 1 Seal of Nicholas of Athens

(Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection)

The seals, respectively, of emperor Maurice Tiberios, a George pragmateutes, a Paul diakonos, and an Anastasios the silk merchant.

The next point to be considered is what information seals usually impart and how the information is expressed. Since one of the chief functions of the lead seal was to authenticate a signature, either in a private or public context, it was customary for a seal to bear the name or name and title of its owner. In the sixth and seventh centuries, the owner might be identified by a simple inscription in the genitive case, as for example, Zacos and Veglery 1972: no. 795, ‘(seal of) Dorotheos illoustriosl Then again an inscription, may begin with an invocation, as Zacos and Veglery 1972: no. 799, ‘Mother of God, help Epiphanios stratelates An invocation may appear with all the elements written in full or it may appear in the form of a cruciform monogram. Monogrammatic devices were also used to express a name. The monogram might be a block monogram or a cruciform monogram. The block monogram consists of a large central letter into which other letters are integrated and was used throughout the sixth century. The cruciform monogram— a cross with letters attached at top, bottom, and at the ends of the transverse bar— came into use about 540 and eventually replaced the block monogram after 600. A

Fig. 2 Seal of Nikephoros Botaneiates

(Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection)

Fig. 3 Seal of Basil, Chartoularios of the Armeniakoi

(Dumbarton Oaks. Byzantine Collection)

Monogram can be difficult to read, particularly when it was intended to convey both the seal owner’s name and his title. The matter is complicated by the fact that certain letters contain ‘hidden’ letters. For example, a beta (B) may read simply as beta (B) or as beta and rho (P). In addition to the written word, we also encounter images. Although we find a wide variety of representations, we observe a marked preference for the Virgin (Fig. i). If we survey the depictions presented in the Iconographic chapter in Zacos and Veglery 1972, we find, for example, twelve seals bearing a depiction of Christ (nos. 1096-1107) (cf. Fig. 2), six with an image of St Sophia (nos. 1275-80), and two with the bust of St Titos (nos. 1293 and 1294). In contrast, we observe a total of 133 specimens (nos. 1108-1238) decorated with a representation of the Mother of God (alone or holding Christ). Depictions of saints enjoyed a certain popularity, but sometimes, through lack of identifying inscriptions, we are at a loss to know the name of the figure. This is particularly true of military saints. See, for example, Zacos and Veglery 1972, nos. 1281A-1291, where the military saints appearing on these specimens seem to be simply a ‘type’, and not a specific saint. We are aided in later centuries (after 850) by the fact that religious figures are usually accompanied by a columnar inscription naming the figure represented.

During periods when Iconoclasm was in force, figural decoration of course disappeared and it was customary for seal owners to decorate the obverse with a cruciform invocative monogram. After the end of Iconoclasm, this motif was largely replaced by another type of cross decoration, the cross-on-steps. Over time the type of cross represented on steps evolved from a cross potent or simple cross with one transverse bar into an elaborately decorated patriarchal cross with tree branches growing from the base and globules at the end of each arm (Fig. 3). For an example see the seal of Michael katepano of Italy, dating, according to the document from which it still hangs, from May of 975 (Oikonomides 1986: no. 70). In the first century after Iconoclasm, the decoration of seals tended to be conservative. Often the decoration is the cross-on-steps or a depiction of the Virgin with Christ.

About 940 we begin to see an expansion in the range of iconographic motifs. One of the more interesting developments is the use of animal devices. See, for

Fig. 4 Seal of Panaretos, Judge of the Armenian Themes

(Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection)

Example, Oikonomides 1986: no. 65, where is illustrated a seal of Katakalon strategos of Thessalonike with a griffin shown in profile on the obverse. After 950, and continuing into the eleventh century, we observe the popularity of the Virgin wane and a corresponding increase in a preference for depiction of saints. The image of St Nicholas enjoyed wide popularity, followed by representations of the military saints and St Michael. On occasion we find uncommon depictions, as for example a standing representation of St Zotikos on a twelfth-century seal of the community of the same name, a bust of St Kodratos on the seal of a certain Philoxenos, bishop of Magnesia (Laurent 1972: no. 1916; Laurent 1963: no. 270). With the eleventh century commences the use of scenic decoration, such as the Annunciation, the Anastasis, the Dormition, the Transfiguration. Sometimes a grouping of figures will occur (cf. Fig. 4), as on the twelfth-century seal of John, metropolitan of Serres; here we see a bust of Christ in the centre, surrounded by St George and St Theodore (Nesbitt and Oikonomides 1991: no. 42.4). One of the better known groupings concerns the seals of the ekdikoi of Hagia Sophia, particularly large specimens bearing a depiction of the emperor Justinian and the Virgin holding between them a model of the church.

A seal owner was free (except during Iconoclasm) to place on a seal whatever decoration the person thought fit. As such, seals are an excellent barometer for measuring the popularity of saints’ cults. To be sure, a person, such as Thomas, epoptes of the Strymon and Thessalonike, might place on his seal a depiction of his name saint, St Thomas (Oikonomides 1986: no. 63), but for the most part there is no correlation between a person s name and the name of the holy figure depicted. Seals are also an essential tool for historical research on administrative history, ecclesiastical history, and prosopography (see I.2.16 Prosopography).

Seals either attest or corroborate evidence from other sources regarding the personnel attached to bureaux. We learn from seals of the existence of offices which are not mentioned elsewhere. For example, the eighth-century seal of Theodore kourator of Kromna (Paphlagonia) provides us with the only reference to this particular kouratoreia (McGeer, Nesbitt, and Oikonomides 2001: no. 19.1). Then again we know of the existence of officials called epi ton ktematon only from seals.

On occasion they also reveal an unusual pairing of offices. As illustration, we note the eleventh-century seal of Niketas chartoularios of the Great Orphanotropheion and bishop of lonopolis (McGeer, Nesbitt, and Oikonomides 2001: nos. 18.2 and 18.3). Niketas enjoyed the revenues of two posts separated geographically. He was at once an accountant attached to the Orphanage of St Paul in the capital and a bishop enthroned in lonopolis of Paphlagonia. In cases where two or more seals may be reasonably assigned to one individual, we can construct the person’s cursus honorum. See, for example, the career of a certain Basil, judge of the Peloponnesos and Hellas, as outlined by Oikonomides (Nesbitt and Oikonomides 1994:30). Seals help to fill gaps among the names of bishops for a particular see and assist in verifying that bishops were appointed to more remote episcopal provinces during times of trouble or that new bishoprics were founded in more settled times. Thus it is due to the chance survival of a seal that we are aware of the establishment of a bishopric on the island of Orovi in the Argolid (see Penna 1995). We should note, however, that a number of episcopal sees have the same name and it is not always possible to distinguish one locale from another. In consequence, when dealing with a seal of the bishop of Nyssa, one must confront the fact that three different bishoprics bore this name and so a seal with the name of Nyssa might relate either to the metropoleis of Caesarea, Ephesos, or Myra. Seals are of particular help in establishing lists of family names, particularly those of the more humble gentry. Problems arise, however, when a researcher is confronted by more than one seal imprinted with the same name and title. One must then determine if one is dealing with seals imprinted with the same dies and hence the same person.

Various criteria are used for the dating of seals. In the period before 850 seals have, in general, wreath borders. After this date they have dot borders. Before 850 a beta with a double loop (B) is employed; after 850 the shape of the beta changes and is made with a single loop (R) (on dating, see Zacos and Veglery 1972: xiii, 971; Oikonomides 1986: the table after p. 164). After 810, we find the letter rho decorated with a serif at top. Until 1030, the upsilon in the ligature of omicron/upsilon is forked, like the letter V’. After 1030 the upsilon takes on the look of a horseshoe, like the letter ‘u’. This shape remains in vogue until the second half of the twelfth century. Subsidiary ornament can also serve as a dating clue. A common decoration in the eighth century was a cross between two tendrils or a cross between two pellets. About the beginning of the eleventh century we observe the introduction of a cross or pellet between two horizontal bars. In the twelfth century the practice arose of setting a cross on a separate line above. In the sixth century abbreviation signs have the look of a Latin ‘s’. In the ninth century the abbreviation signs become more extended and resemble an ‘S’. In the tenth century, small abbreviation signs were set in the middle of the line; they often look like commas or grave/acute accent signs. In the eleventh century, abbreviation marks, looking like a comma, were set low on the line. Now and again accents and breathing marks are used from the later eleventh century, particularly with metrical verses. The use of stigma, in lieu of ‘C’ and ‘T’, appears in the late eleventh century. Such formal aspects are important when one is lacking the best criteria, namely internal evidence. For example, if a seal bears the dignity of protoproedros, it would not date before the io6os for the simple reason that the title was only then first established. Then again, the eleventh-century seal of a certain Michael magistros, vestes, and epi ton kriseon dates after the period 1042-5 because the sekreton to which he belonged was only first created in these years by emperor Constantine Monomachos. In sum, we can normally date a seal to within a century or half-century on the basis of a specimen s overall design, the style of its iconography, and the shape of letters and marks of abbreviation. If there is present a string of dignities and titles, one may usually narrow the dating still further.

References

Dolger, F. 1948. Aus den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges (Munich).

Grierson, P. 1966. ‘Byzantine gold bullae, with a catalogue of those at Dumbarton Oaks’, DOP 20: 239-50.

Laurent, V. 1963. Le corpus des sceaux de Vempire byzantin, VEglise, vol. 1 (Paris).

-1972. Le corpus des sceaux de Vempire byzantin, V?glise, vol. 3 (Paris).

McGeer, E., Nesbitt, J., and Oikonomides, N. 2001. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and the Fogg Museum of Art, vol. 4 (Washington, DC).

Nesbitt, J., and Oikonomides, N. 1991. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol. 1 (Washington, DC).

--1994- Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and the Fogg Museum of

Art, vol. 2 (Washington, DC).

Oikonomides, N. 1979. ‘Quelques remarques sur le scellement des actes imperiaux byzantins (Xllle-XVe s.)’, Zbornik Filosofskog fakulteta 14.1:123-8.

-1986. Dated Lead Seals (Washington, DC).

Penna, V. 1995. ‘The island of Orovi in the Argolid: bishopric and administrative center’, in N. Oikonomides (ed.). Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, 4 (Washington, DC): 163-73. ViKAN, G., and Nesbitt, J. 1980. Security in Byzantium (Washington, DC).

Zacos, G., and Veglery, A. 1972. Byzantine Lead Seals (Basel).

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JOHN NESBITT