Few areas exhibit a greater disparity of individual and national
wealth than the Middle East. Although millions
live in abject poverty, a fortunate few rank among the
wealthiest people in the world. The annual per capita income
in Egypt is about $600 (in U.S. dollars), but in the
tiny states of Kuwait and United Arab Emirates, it is
nearly $20,000. Some of that disparity can be explained
by the uneven distribution of fertile and barren land,
but the primary reason, of course, is oil. Unfortunately for
most of the peoples of the region, oil reserves are distributed
unevenly and all too often are located in areas where
the population density is low. Egypt and Turkey, with
more than fifty million inhabitants apiece, have almost
no oil reserves. The combined population of Kuwait, the
United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia is well under ten
million people. This disparity in wealth inspired Nasser’s
quest for Arab unity (and perhaps Saddam Hussein’s as
well), but it has also posed a major obstacle to that unity.
The growing importance of petroleum has obviously
been a boon to several of the states in the region, but it
has been an unreliable one. Because of the violent fluctuations
in the price of oil during the past thirty years, the
income of oil-producing states has varied considerably.
The spectacular increase in oil prices during the 1970s,
when members of OPEC were able to raise the price of a
barrel of oil from about $3 to $30, could not be sustained,
forcing a number of oil-producing countries to scale back
their economic development plans.
Not surprisingly, considering their different resources
and political systems, the states of the Middle East have
adopted diverse approaches to the problem of developing
strong and stable economies. Some, like Nasser in Egypt
and the leaders of the Ba’ath Party in Syria, attempted to
create a form of Arab socialism, favoring a high level of
government involvement in the economy to relieve the
inequities of the free enterprise system. Others turned to
the Western capitalist model to maximize growth, while
using taxes or massive development projects to build a
modern infrastructure, redistribute wealth, and maintain
political stability and economic opportunity for all.
Whatever their approach, all the states have attempted
to develop their economies in accordance with
Islamic beliefs. Although the Koran has little to say about
economics and can be variously understood as capitalist
or socialist, it is clear in its opposition to charging interest
and in its concern for the material welfare of the Muslim
community, the umma. How these goals are to be
achieved, however, is a matter of interpretation.
Socialist theories of economic development such as
Nasser’s were often suggested as a way to promote economic
growth while meeting the requirements of Islamic
doctrine. State intervention in the economic sector
would bring about rapid development, while land redistribution
and the nationalization or regulation of industry
would prevent or minimize the harsh inequities of the
marketplace. In general, however, the socialist approach
has had little success, and most governments, including
those of Egypt and Syria, have shifted to a more free enterprise
approach while encouraging foreign investment
to compensate for a lack of capital or technology.
Although the amount of arable land is relatively small,
most countries in the Middle East rely to a certain degree
on farming to supply food for their growing populations.
In some cases, as in Egypt, Iran, Iraq, and Turkey, farmers
have until recently been a majority of the population. Often
much of the fertile land was owned by wealthy absentee
landlords, but land reform programs in several
countries have attempted to alleviate this problem.
The most comprehensive and probably the most successful
land reform program was instituted in Egypt,
where Nasser and his successors managed to reassign
nearly a quarter of all cultivable lands by limiting the
amount a single individual could hold. Similar programs
in Iran, Iraq, Libya, and Syria had less effect. In Iran, large
landlords at the local and national level managed to limit
the effects of the shah’s reform program. After the 1979
revolution, many farmers seized lands forcibly from the
landlords, giving rise to questions of ownership that the
revolutionary government has tried with minimal success
to resolve.
Agricultural productivity throughout the region has
been plagued by the lack of water resources. With popu-
lations growing at more than 2 percent annually on average
in the Middle East (more than 3 percent in some
countries), several governments have tried to increase
the amount of water available for irrigation. Many attempts
have been sabotaged by government ineptitude,
political disagreements, and territorial conflicts, however.
The best-known example is the Aswan Dam, which
was built by Soviet engineers in the 1950s. The project
was designed to control the flow of water throughout the
Nile valley, but it has had a number of undesirable environmental
consequences. Today, the dearth of water is
reaching crisis proportions and is having a political impact
as governments squabble over access to scarce water
resources in the region. For example, disputes between
Israel and its neighbors over water rights and between
Iraq and its neighbors over the exploitation of the Tigris
and the Euphrates have caused serious tensions in recent
years.
Another way in which governments have attempted
to deal with rapid population growth is to encourage emigration.
Oil-producing states with small populations,
such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have
imported labor from other countries in the region, mostly
to work in the oil fields. By the mid-1980s, more than
40 percent of the population in those states was composed
of foreign nationals, who often sent the bulk of
their salaries back to their families in their home countries.
The decline in oil revenues since the mid-1980s,
however, has forced several governments to take measures
to stabilize or reduce the migrant population. Since
the Iraqi invasion, Kuwait, for example, has expelled all
Palestinians and restricted migrant workers from other
countries to three-year stays.