The African response to the loss of independence can be
traced through several stages, beginning with resistance.
In some cases, the opposition came from an organized
state, such as Ashanti, which fought against the British
takeover of the Gold Coast in the 1860s. Where formal
states did not exist, the colonial takeover was often easier
and more gradual; in a few instances, however, such as
the Zulu tribesmen in South Africa in the 1880s and Abdel
Qadir’s rebellion against the French in Algeria, resistance
to white rule was quite fierce.
But formal nationalist movements and parties generally
arose later in Africa than in Asia. The first nationalist
groups were formed in urban areas, primarily among
people who had been exposed to Western civilization.
The first Afro-Europeans, as such people are sometimes
called, often benefited from the European presence, and
some, as we have seen, held responsible positions in the
colonial bureaucracy. But as the system became more formalized
in the early twentieth century, more emphasis
was placed on racial distinctions, and opportunities in
government and other professional positions diminished,
especially in the British colonies, where indirect rule was
based on collaboration with the local tribal aristocracy.
The result was a dissatisfied urban educated elite, who
were all the angrier when they realized they would not
benefit from the improved conditions.
Political organizations for African rights did not arise
until after World War I, and then only in a few areas, such
as British-ruled Kenya and the Gold Coast. At first, organizations
such as the National Congress of British West
Africa (formed in 1919 in the Gold Coast) and Jomo
Kenyatta’s Kikuyu Central Association in Kenya focused
on improving African living conditions in the colonies
rather than on national independence. After World
War II, however, following the example of independence
movements elsewhere, these groups became organized
political parties with independence as their objective. In
the Gold Coast, Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972) led the
Convention People’s Party, the first formal political party
in black Africa. In the late 1940s, Jomo Kenyatta (1894 –
1978) founded the Kenya African National Union
(KANU), which focused on economic issues but had an
implied political agenda as well.
For the most part, these political activities were basically
nonviolent and were led by Western-educated African
intellectuals. Their constituents were primarily
urban professionals, merchants, and members of labor
unions. But the demand for independence was not entirely
restricted to the cities. In Kenya, for example, the
widely publicized Mau Mau movement among the
Kikuyu people used terrorism as an essential element of
its program to achieve uhuru (Swahili for “freedom”)
from the British. Although most of the violence was directed
against other Africans—only about a hundred Europeans
were killed in the violence, compared with an
estimated seventeen hundred Africans who lost their
lives at the hands of the rebels—the specter of Mau Mau
terrorism alarmed the European population and convinced
the British government in 1959 to promise eventual
independence.
A similar process was occurring in Egypt, which had
been a protectorate of Great Britain (and under loose
Turkish suzerainty until the breakup of the Ottoman Empire)
since the 1880s. National consciousness had existed
in Egypt since well before the colonial takeover, and
members of the legislative council were calling for independence
even before World War I. In 1918, a formal
political party called the Wafd was formed to promote
Egyptian independence. The intellectuals were opposed
as much to the local palace government as to the British,
however, and in 1952, an army coup overthrew King
Farouk, the grandson of Khedive Ismail, and established
an independent republic.
In areas such as South Africa and Algeria, where the
political system was dominated by European settlers, the
transition to independence was more complicated. In
South Africa, political activity by local Africans began
with the formation of the African National Congress
(ANC) in 1912. Initially, the ANC was dominated by
Western-oriented intellectuals and had little mass support.
Its goal was to achieve economic and political
reforms, including full equality for educated Africans,
within the framework of the existing system. But the
ANC’s efforts met with little success, while conservative
white parties managed to stiffen the segregation laws. In
response, the ANC became increasingly radicalized, and
by the 1950s, the prospects for a violent confrontation
were growing.
In Algeria, resistance to French rule by Berbers
and Arabs in rural areas had never ceased. After World
War II, urban agitation intensified, leading to a widespread
rebellion against colonial rule in the mid-1950s.
At first, the French government tried to maintain its authority
in Algeria, which was considered an integral part
of metropolitan France. But when Charles de Gaulle became
president in 1958, he reversed French policy, and
Algeria became independent under President Ahmad
Ben Bella (b. 1918) in 1962. The armed struggle in Algeria
hastened the transition to statehood in its neighbors
as well. Tunisia won its independence in 1956 after some
urban agitation and rural unrest but retained close ties
with Paris. The French attempted to suppress the nationalist
movement in Morocco by sending Sultan Muhammad
V into exile, but the effort failed, and in 1956, he returned
as the ruler of the independent state of Morocco.
Most black African nations achieved their independence
in the late 1950s and 1960s, beginning with
the Gold Coast, now renamed Ghana, in 1957 (see
Map 12.1). Nigeria, the Belgian Congo (renamed Zaire
and later the Democratic Republic of the Congo),
Kenya, Tanganyika (renamed Tanzania after merging
with Zanzibar), and several other countries soon followed.
Most of the French colonies agreed to accept independence
within the framework of de Gaulle’s French
Community. By the late 1960s, only parts of southern
Africa and the Portuguese possessions of Mozambique
and Angola remained under European rule.
Independence came later to Africa than to most of
Asia. Several factors help explain the delay. For one
thing, colonialism was established in Africa somewhat
later than in most areas of Asia, and the inevitable reaction
from the local population was consequently delayed.
Furthermore, with the exception of a few areas in West
Africa and along the Mediterranean, coherent states with
a strong sense of cultural, ethnic, and linguistic unity did
not exist in most of Africa. Most traditional states, such
as Ashanti in West Africa, Songhai in the southern Sahara,
and Bakongo in the Congo basin, were collections
of heterogeneous peoples with little sense of national or
cultural identity. Even after colonies were established, the
European powers often practiced a policy of “divide and
rule,” while the British encouraged political decentralization
by retaining the authority of the traditional native
chieftains. It is hardly surprising that when opposition to
colonial rule emerged, unity was difficult to achieve.