With his election as party general secretary in 1985, Gorbachev
seemed intent on taking earlier reforms to their
logical conclusions. The cornerstone of his reform program
was perestroika, or “restructuring.” At first, it meant
only a reordering of economic policy, as Gorbachev
called for the beginning of a market economy with limited
free enterprise and some private property. Initial
economic reforms were difficult to implement, however.
Radicals demanded decisive measures; conservatives
feared that rapid changes would be too painful. In his attempt
to achieve compromise, Gorbachev often pursued
partial liberalization, which satisfied neither faction and
also failed to work, producing only more discontent.
Gorbachev soon perceived that in the Soviet system,
the economic sphere was intimately tied to the social and
political spheres. Any efforts to reform the economy
without political or social reform would be doomed to
failure. One of the most important instruments of perestroika
was glasnost, or “openness.” Soviet citizens and
officials were encouraged to openly discuss the strengths
and weaknesses of the Soviet Union. This policy could be
seen in Pravda, the official newspaper of the Communist
Party, where disasters such as the nuclear accident at
Chernobyl in 1986 and collisions of ships in the Black
Sea received increasing coverage. Soon this type of reporting
was extended to include reports of official corruption,
sloppy factory work, and protests against government
policy. The arts also benefited from the new policy
as previously banned works were now allowed to circulate
and motion pictures began to depict negative aspects of
Soviet life. Music based on Western styles, such as jazz
and rock, began to be performed openly.
Political reforms were equally revolutionary. In June
1987, the principle of two-candidate elections was introduced;
previously, voters had been presented with only
one candidate. Most dissidents, including Andrei Sakharov,
who had spent years in internal exile, were released.
At the Communist Party conference in 1988, Gorbachev
called for the creation of a new Soviet parliament, the
Congress of People’s Deputies, whose members were to
be chosen in competitive elections. It convened in 1989,
the first such meeting since 1918. Now as an elected
member of the Congress, Sakharov called for an end to
the Communist monopoly of power and on December 11,
1989, the day he died, urged the creation of a new, non-
Communist party. Early in 1990, Gorbachev legalized the
formation of other political parties and struck out Article
6 of the Soviet constitution, which guaranteed the
“leading role” of the Communist Party. Hitherto, the position
of first secretary of the party was the most important
post in the Soviet Union, but as the Communist Party became
less closely associated with the state, the powers of
this office diminished. Gorbachev attempted to consolidate
his power by creating a new state presidency, and in
March 1990, he became the SovietUnion’s first president.
One of Gorbachev’s most serious problems stemmed
from the nature of the Soviet Union. The Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics was a truly multiethnic country,
containing 92 nationalities and 112 recognized languages.
Previously, the iron hand of the Communist Party,
centered in Moscow, had kept a lid on the centuries-old
ethnic tensions that had periodically erupted throughout
the history of this region. As Gorbachev released this
iron grip, tensions resurfaced, a by-product of glasnost that
Gorbachev had not anticipated. Ethnic groups took advantage
of the new openness to protest what they perceived
to be ethnically motivated slights. As violence
erupted, the Soviet army, in disarray since the Soviet intervention
in Afghanistan in 1979, had difficulty controlling
the situation. In some cases, independence movements
and ethnic causes became linked, as in Azerbaijan,
where the National Front became the spokesgroup for
the Muslim Azerbaijanis in the conflict with Christian
Armenians.
The period from 1988 to 1990 witnessed the emergence
of nationalist movements in all fifteen republics of
the Soviet Union. Often motivated by ethnic concerns,
many of them called for sovereignty of the republics and
independence from Russian-based rule centered in Moscow.
Such movements sprang up first in Georgia in late
1988 and then in Moldavia, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and
the three Baltic republics.
In December 1989, the Communist Party of Lithuania
declared itself independent of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev made it clear that he
supported self-determination but not secession, which
he believed would be detrimental to the Soviet Union.
Nevertheless, on March 11, 1990, the Lithuanian Supreme
Council unilaterally declared Lithuania independent.
Its formal name was now the Lithuanian Republic;
the adjectives Soviet and Socialist had been dropped.
On March 15, the Soviet Congress of People’s Deputies,
though recognizing a general right to secede from the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, declared the Lithuanian
declaration null and void; the Congress stated that
proper procedures must be established and followed before
secession would be acceptable.
During 1990 and 1991, Gorbachev struggled to deal
with the problems unleashed by his reforms. On the one
hand, he tried to appease the conservative forces who
complained about the growing disorder within the Soviet
Union. On the other hand, he tried to accommodate the
liberal forces who increasingly favored a new kind of
decentralized Soviet federation. Gorbachev especially
labored to cooperate more closely with Boris Yeltsin
(b. 1931), elected president of the Russian Republic in
June 1991. Conservative elements from the army, the
party, and the KGB, however, had grown increasingly
worried about the potential dissolution of the Soviet
Union. On August 19, 1991, a group of these discontented
rightists arrested Gorbachev and attempted to
seize power. Gorbachev’s unwillingness to work with the
conspirators and the brave resistance in Moscow of Yeltsin
and thousands of Russians who had grown accustomed
to their new liberties caused the coup to disintegrate
rapidly. The actions of these right-wing plotters
served to accelerate the very process they had hoped to
stop—the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
Despite desperate pleas from Gorbachev, all fifteen
republics soon opted for complete independence (see
Map 8.2). Ukraine voted for independence on December
1, 1991. A week later, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine,
and Belarus announced that the Soviet Union had
“ceased to exist” and would be replaced by a much looser
federation, the Commonwealth of Independent States.
Gorbachev resigned on December 25, 1991, and turned
over his responsibilities as commander in chief to Boris
Yeltsin, the president of Russia. By the end of 1991, one
of the largest empires in world history had come to an
end, and a new era had begun in its lands.