The first clear sign occurred after Stalin’s death in early
1953. His successor, Georgy Malenkov (1902–1988),
hoped to improve relations with the Western powers to
reduce defense expenditures and shift government spending
to growing consumer needs. During his campaign to
replace Malenkov two years later, Nikita Khrushchev
(1894 –1971) appealed to powerful pressure groups in the
party Politburo (the governing body of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union) by calling for higher defense
expenditures, but once in power, he resumed his predecessor’s
efforts to reduce tensions with the West and improve
the living standards of the Soviet people.
In an adroit public relations touch, Khrushchev publicized
Moscow’s appeal for a new policy of “peaceful coexistence”
with the West. In 1955, he surprisingly agreed to
negotiate an end to the postwar occupation of Austria by
the victorious allies and allow the creation of a neutral
country with strong cultural and economic ties with the
West. He also called for a reduction in defense expenditures
and reduced the size of the Soviet armed forces.
At first, Washington was suspicious of Khrushchev’s
motives, especially after the Soviet crackdown in Hun-
gary in the fall of 1956 (see Chapter 8). A new crisis over
Berlin added to the tension. The Soviets had launched
their first intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) in
August 1957, arousing U.S. fears—fueled by a partisan
political debate—of a “missile gap” between the United
States and the Soviet Union. Khrushchev attempted to
take advantage of the U.S. frenzy over missiles to solve
the problem of West Berlin, which had remained a
“Western island” of prosperity inside the relatively poverty-
stricken state of East Germany. Many East Germans
sought to escape to West Germany by fleeing through
West Berlin—a serious blot on the credibility of the
GDR and a potential source of instability in East-West relations.
In November 1958, Khrushchev announced that
unless the West removed its forces from West Berlin
within six months, he would turn over control of the access
routes to the East Germans. Unwilling to accept an
ultimatum that would have abandoned West Berlin to
the Communists, President Eisenhower and the West
stood firm, and Khrushchev eventually backed down.
Despite such periodic crises in East-West relations,
there were tantalizing signs that an era of true peaceful
coexistence between the two power blocs could be
achieved. In the late 1950s, the United States and the
Soviet Union initiated a cultural exchange program,
helping the peoples of one bloc to become acquainted
with the nature of life in the other. While the Leningrad
Ballet appeared at theaters in the United States, Benny
Goodman and the film of Leonard Bernstein’s West Side
Story played in Moscow. In 1958, Nikita Khrushchev visited
the United States and had a brief but friendly encounter
with President Eisenhower at Camp David, his
presidential retreat in northern Maryland. Predictions of
improved future relations led reporters to laud “the spirit
of Camp David.”
Yet Khrushchev could rarely avoid the temptation to
gain an advantage over the United States in the competition
for influence throughout the world, and this
resulted in an unstable relationship that prevented a
lasting accommodation between the two superpowers.
West Berlin was an area of persistent tension (a boil on
the foot of the United States, Khrushchev derisively
termed it), and in January 1961, just as newly elected
president John F. Kennedy (1917–1963) came into office,
Moscow threatened once again to turn over responsibility
for access to the East German government.
Moscow also took every opportunity to promote its interests
in the Third World, as the countries of Asia, Africa,
and Latin America were now popularly called. Unlike
Stalin, Khrushchev viewed the dismantling of
colonial regimes in the area as a potential advantage for
the Soviet Union and sought especially to exploit anti
American sentiment in Latin America. To improve Soviet
influence in such areas, Khrushchev established
alliances with key Third World countries such as Indonesia,
Egypt, India, and Cuba. In January 1961, just as
Kennedy assumed the presidency, Khrushchev unnerved
the new president at an informal summit meeting in Vienna
by declaring that Moscow would provide active support
to national liberation movements throughout the
world. There were rising fears in Washington of Soviet
meddling in such sensitive trouble spots as Southeast
Asia, Central Africa, and the Caribbean.