Early Dynastic period III
Comparisons
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
8 |
9 |
Average |
Nuzi 2250 |
Gudea 2150 |
Ur III 2050 | |
Barley (se) |
70 |
75 |
77 |
80 |
83 |
88 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
83.7 |
67 |
94 |
98.15 |
Emmer (ziz) |
30 |
25 |
22 |
20 |
17 |
11 |
- |
- |
- |
1 5.7 |
14 |
5 |
1.70 |
Wheat (gig) |
- |
- |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
- |
- |
- |
0.6 |
19 |
1 |
0.15 |
It is clear that large portions of the population remained free in their villages, and only depended on the temple cities as tribute payers, free labourers and worshippers of the city-gods. However, the portion of the population economically and politically dependent on the temple or the palace was rapidly becoming larger and more influential. In fact, a growing class of administrators, merchants, scribes and specialised craftsmen working for the temples was starting to provide a thriving environment for the innovation, organisation and enrichment of Sumerian culture. These people began to leave a significant mark on their cities, archaeologically visible through the increased wealth of tombs, offerings and private households, and the spread of luxury goods (Figures 6.5 And 6.6).
Consequently, the functional division dating back to the Uruk period between temple functionaries (that is, specialised workmen) and free workmen inevitably began to move towards a socio-economic division into classes. The bottom of this pyramid was for now still legally defined. Therefore, there was no confusion between the free members of the village communities and the temple servants forced to cultivate the lands of the specialised workmen and the temples. However, as village communities became increasingly poor, and had to sell their lands, so the two groups began to merge into a large class of farmers without land (whatever their origin and legal status might have been). This new class now depended on the large organisations or its members to survive.