Since there was never a proper constitution for the principate, we would be well advised to consider firstly how an emperor might learn what was expected of him. How did he identify something like a ‘‘job description’’ for his position? The lex de imperio Vespasiani, and any similar such statutes which may have existed, will have given him some information; these will not have been sufficient to enable a man to fall into the category of the ‘‘good’’ emperors. There was, on the other hand, one document which may have been more useful in this respect, and set the tone from the very beginning.
When he died, Augustus left a text to be inscribed on bronze tablets, and then affixed to his tomb. The same text was displayed publicly elsewhere around the empire. We now call this document the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (Deeds of the Divine Augustus). In the main, the tract describes what Augustus accomplished during the 40-odd years of his sole rule. The account of his actual deeds is prefaced by a fairly extensive list of the various honors, grants of power, and the like, that formed the basis of Augustus’ ‘‘constitutional’’ position. Herein lies the political legitimization for all the actions that follow. In the course of this first part of the work, though, Augustus says something of great significance. Having reminded his audience that he restored many examples of ancestral customs, which were falling into desuetude (in Latin, multa exempla maiorum exolescentia), Augustus asserts ‘‘and I myself have left for those who come after me examples of many things, which should be imitated’’ (RG 8). In the remainder of his Res Gestae, Augustus presents these exempla which ought to be imitated. One is thus tempted to suppose the first emperor was attempting to leave, to the extent that he could, a job description for his successors (see Ramage 1987: 111-16). The emperor who wanted to know what he was ‘‘supposed’’ to do, might well try to emulate, as best he could, what Augustus (or other ‘‘good’’ emperors) had done.
Beyond Augustus and his Res Gestae, we have from the reign of Trajan a document that surely was meant to be understood as a kind of blueprint for the functioning of a ‘‘good’’ emperor: Pliny the Younger’s Panegyric. This is the revised text of a speech given by Pliny in 100, thanking Trajan for having made Pliny consul. The speaker uses the occasion to praise his emperor, and in doing so, paints a plain picture of the manner in which an ideal ruler will comport himself. Indeed, Pliny says that Trajan, in becoming himself an exemplum, will show future emperors how to behave (Pan. 75.4-6).
Let us then briefly consider Augustus’ Res Gestae and Pliny’s Panegyric. It is possible to distill from these a prescription for proper imperial behavior. With this in mind, it will be easier to see how and why the emperors with whom we are here concerned might have been judged ‘‘good’’ or ‘‘bad.’’ Or at least, we will be able better to analyze the kinds of activities attributed by our (again, largely senatorial) sources to emperors according to their classification of those princes as ‘‘good’’ or ‘‘bad.’’
The contents of the Res Gestae can be broken down into categories of activity. It is important to note, however, one theme that pervades the entire text, no matter whether an honor is being granted or an action described: the emperor is always modest, even self-effacing, never improperly (in Roman terms) boastful or overbearing. Having noted this extremely important fact, we might simply list the kinds of things to which Augustus devotes much care. The well-being and comfort of the populace at Rome are crucial. For them there are numerous donations of money and food, and the provision of entertainments of various sorts. The capital city was adorned with magnificent structures of every conceivable kind. Moving beyond Rome and its populace, any and all possible foreign threats were laid to rest. Even people from as far away as India, to whom only talk of Rome and Augustus had penetrated, sent ambassadors to Augustus, begging him for an amicable relationship.
In short, the emperor’s job, in purely pragmatic terms, is effectively divided into two spheres by Augustus: (a) care for the city of Rome and its inhabitants, and (b) careful attention to the honor and safety of the empire vis-a-vis any external threats. It is also worth remarking that the tract ends with Augustus remembering that the Senate, the equestrian order, and the entire Roman people officially awarded him the epithet pater patriae (‘‘father of the fatherland’’). In other words, it appears that what he has become is somehow to be perceived in the light of his functioning as a father figure to all those living under Rome’s sway. And like the father of a Roman nuclear family (on whom see Saller 1994: 102-53), while he has, in principle, the authority to annihilate any family member judged to deserve that punishment, such powers are better left unexercised.
It should therefore not be a great surprise to find that Pliny also accords the epithet pater patriae (or various periphrases of it based on the noun parens, i. e., ‘‘parent’’), which was also granted to Trajan, a prominent position in his Panegyric (see 21.1, 67.1, 84.6, 87.1, 87.3, 94.4). And as in the Res Gestae, there is a constant concern for the kind of virtues listed right at the outset, namely, Trajan’s pietas (‘‘dutiful respect’’), abstinentia (‘‘restraint’’), and mansuetudo (‘‘mildness’’) (Pan. 2.6; for a fuller list and discussion see Fedeli 1989: 457-61). Beyond his virtues and demeanor, the actual activities engaged in by Trajan correspond closely to those highlighted by Augustus. The populace of Rome is attended to with food {Pan. 29-32) and money {Pan. 26-8). Public entertainments {Pan. 33) and public building {Pan. 51) also receive specific mention. Trajan inspires awe in Rome’s enemies, is himself a willing and competent soldier, and so has won the allegiance and respect of the military {Pan. 12-17). All of this is perfectly in line with Augustus’ picture of the princely position. Three matters, however, are added by Pliny. There is a fair amount of talk about finances, usually involving a contrast between the practices of Domitian and those of the new emperor. The upshot is that Trajan has significantly more respect for the property of the elite {Pan. 36-43). Beyond this, we are told that the provinces are now ruled well {Pan. 70); and we hear of the current emperor’s minute attention to his duties as judge {Pan. 77, 80; cf. Millar 1977: 528).
Thus far, we have seen that an emperor could do whatever he wanted, but was {ideally) responsible for restraining himself. From Augustus’ Res Gestae and Pliny’s Panegyric it becomes apparent that an emperor’s chief concerns were: {a) the care of Rome and her populace, {b) proper attention to the defense of the empire, and {c) careful cultivation of the proper imperial demeanor. We have also seen that the panel of judges {i. e., those imagined by our literary tradition) who rated a prince’s behavior according to these categories, consisted primarily of the Senate {and equestrians), the soldiers, and the Roman plebs. We may now turn to each of these groups, and consider in slightly greater detail what things factored into their ranking of imperial performances.
World History
