ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

In contrast to the considerable evidence of the written sources, only briefly summarized above, the corresponding archaeological remains are far less extensive. Yet as early as 1871, at the international congress of anthropology and prehistoric archaeology in Bologna, E. Desort and G. de Mortillet were able to identify Celtic remains in the ruins of the Etruscan town at Marzabotto In the valley of the river Reno south of Bologna {Congres 1873: 278, 476; see de Mortillet 1871). Comparable finds in their native countries, Switzerland and France, had been described by both scholars as ‘Celtic’. Research continued, especially under E. Brizio who, as early as 1887, presented a synthesis of the Gaulish finds from the province of Bologna, which had come to light in the course of the Intensive excavations there, and who also published a report on the great Senonian cemetery of Montefortino in the hinterland of Ancona (Brizio 1887, 1899). But a significant upsurge in the archaeological research of the Celts began only after the Second World War. The best indications of this are the exhibition ‘The Gauls and Italy’ held in Rome in 1978, and the great, wide-ranging exhibition which took place in Venice in 1991 (/ Galli 1978; Moscatl et al. 1991; further syntheses with bibliography: Peyre 1979; ‘Les Celtes’ 1987).

Nevertheless the available archaeological evidence remains inadequate, so that it is still difficult to build up a detailed picture. In the territory of the Boii and Senones, a greater number of graves is now known, including those published by Brizio, with the addition of some more recently excavated examples. Less satisfactory is the situation in the area of the Cenomani where only at the cemetery of Carzaghetto (Ferraresi 1976) is it possible to make sound interpretations. We know least about the Insubres. Most relevant finds date to the period of the Roman conquest. Remains of the fourth century BC which might be susceptible to detailed analysis are lacking. This applies also, in large measure, to the third century BC. The limited evidence available to us is insufficient to allow us to determine whether we are here dealing with Celts recently arrived from north of the Alps {perhaps imposed on an older ‘Celtic’ substratum) or not. There is more evidence only for the lake region and the adjacent alpine valleys (cf. e. g. 1 Galli 1978: 76ff.; Peyre 1979: i/ff.; Stockii 1975;).

Kruta-Poppi’s distribution map of swords of Celtic type dating to the fourth and third centuries BC is informative (Figure 27.2){Kruta-Poppi 1986), The territories of the Senones, Boii and Cenomani stand out clearly. The central area of the Insubres around Milan is, however, thinly settled in contrast to the situation along the foothills of the Alps. It is of great interest that the Figures in the hinterland of Genoa/La Spezia, as well as the Umbrians, adopted this weapon characteristic of their feared neighbour. A few find-spots are even further dispersed. The Venetian area almost entirely lacks swords, although here, in particular, developing ‘celticization’ is evident. Thus, Polybius points out that, apart from their language, the Veneti are little different from the Celts in their customs and dress (11.17.5). The absence of swords must be

Figure 27.2 Distribution of swords of Celtic type in Italy. (After L. Kruta-Poppi.)

Explained m terms of different burial ritual. Before the Gaulish invasion it was not customary, anywhere on the Po valley, to place weapons in the grave; this custom was retained by the Vencti.

While the finds already referred to belong to La Tcne B and Ci according to the middle European chronological scheme, there is a number of earlier objects, which must also be linked to Celtic influences. These include torques, bracelets and fibulae, but above all openwork belt-hooks of bronze and iron, which were used to fasten the warrior’s belt (Figure 27.3). North of the Alps, these hooks are typical of La Tenc A, i. c. the fifth century BC, In northern Italy, too, finds dating approximately back to the fifth century BC occur. Undoubtedly such hooks and belt-rings were also produced in Italy, as is particularly well shown by a number of richly embellished bronze examples. Motifs such as ‘birds and the tree of life’ or a human figure between lyre-shaped gryphons (‘lord of the beasts’) hint at a long tradition in the Mediterranean. Occasionally, hooks with comparable decoration can be found north of the Alps. This leads to the conclusion that craftworking links across the Alps already existed (Figure 27.4). However, the earliest specimens seem to come from more distant areas of central and western Europe. Thus a number of Italian types are paralleled in France, i. e. m the possible areas of origin of the tribes invading Italy (Figure 27-4). On the other hand, other types are lacking In northern Italy, for example the mask ornament which we know from the area of the middle Rhine and

Figure 27.3 Distribution of openwork early La Tcne belt-hooks.

Figure 27.4 Distribution of belt-books with opposed ‘dragon pairs’ and of a type originating in northern France.

From regions further to the cast. Since such bclt'hooks can hardly be regarded as the products of normal trading activities, it seems reasonable to suggest that their dispersal came about through personal contact between those who wore them. Are they witnesses to an early phase of Celtic migration into Italy? (Frey 1987; 1991)-

It is noticeable from their distribution that the hooks and associated rings occur frequently in the area of the Vencti, which the Celts supposedly did not invade. There arc, however, signs that there it was not only men who wore such belt embellishment. Nevertheless, it might be that here we have an adoption of a typical part of the menacing Celtic warrior’s apparel, without the accompanying weapons which have not come down to us because of the differing burial customs.

Likewise the belt-hooks and rings occur frequently in Ticino and in the region around Como. They arc often found associated with swords. The novel custom of weapons as grave goods - as in the Celtic heartlands-indicates a change in burial ritual. As well as traditional forms, La Tene A fibulae are also relatively frequent. Since most cemeteries were in continuous use up to this period, it seems unlikely that the change in forms represents a change in population, a point also emphasized by the continuity of the ‘Lepontic’ inscriptions. More likely is the conclusion that Celtic weapons and personal ornament were taken over from outside. As these belt-hooks arc absent in central Switzerland, it could be that it was the as yet poorly recognized insubres, who settled in the plain around Milan, who inspired these innovations (Stockll 1975).

In north Italy, there are still older, intrusive types, of late Hallstatt origin, especially fibulae, which derive from transalpine forms of personal ornament. The question is whether the fibulae, which were also copied locally, reached northern Italy together with those wearing them (Frey 1988). In any case, all these objects give ample evidence of relationships between central/western European and northern Italian population groupings, which extend back to the sixth century BC and increase in the following century.

The decline of the Etruscan towns is another sign of the invasion of the Boii in Emilia Romagna (Rivoldini i960; La formazione 1987). The importation of Greek pottery ceases in Bologna and Marzabotto around 400/390 BC, in contrast to the port of Spina, situated at the estuary of the river Po, which was protected by its location in the lagoon. The same situation is evident at other Etruscan centres, giving us a date which fits well with the written accounts of the Celtic invasion. And, as early as the last third of the fifth century BC, there are gravestones in Bologna which depict battles between Celts and Etruscans (Figure 27.5) (Ducati 1928; 293ff.; Sassatelli 1983). The only conclusion to be drawn from these pictures is that Celtic bands were operating either as raiders or as mercenaries in the vicinity of the Etruscans as early as this.

The picture outlined above, though unclear in certain details, indicates that the great Celtic invasion, which affected the Etruscan towns, had been preceded by a much longer period of Celtic intrusions, which served as a prelude for it. We must assume a complex process, which, having taken place at an earlier period, was either simplified or distorted in the classical sources.

The way of life of the foreigners, who had adapted themselves to the circumstances in Italy, is displayed by grave goods of the fourth and third centuries BC in the area of the Boii and Senones. Let us take as an example the grave furnishings of a man in Montefortino in the hinterland of Ancona (Figure 27.6) (Brizio 1899). Here, although this is not a particularly rich grave, we find a substantial service for drinking and eating, consisting of various bronze containers as well as pottery of Greek and indigenous character. In addition, there are dices and gaming-pieces, as often occur in Etruscan graves. A strigilis shows us that the Celts took part in sports, as did the Greeks and Etruscans; the strigilis was used for scraping off the oil and sand after athletic exercises. Only the typical sword reveals the Celtic origin of the deceased. Similarly, Italian objects occur frequently m the graves of women.

Of all grave finds in the Senonian cemeteries, only various weapons display a ‘Celtic’ form (Kruta 1981). Many helmets are decorated in a mixed local style (as in Figure 27.8), which combines Celtic and Italian ornamental features. Two swords have bronze sheaths, which are embellished in a pure La Tene style and which, for example, have clear parallels in France (Figure 27.7) (Kruta et al. 1984). Apart from these weapons of the men, there are a few Celtic fibulae and rings, including a gold tore from a woman’s grave at Filottrano (Grave 2) (Landolfi 1987: 452ff.), which also resembles artefacts from central Europe. All in all, there are only a few objects which are clearly related to the La Tene culture north of the Alps. Unfortunately, no associated settlements have as yet been investigated in this area. Therefore, the picture we have of the Senones remains one-sided, based as it is on burial evidence alone.

However, better evidence has recently been forthcoming in the region of the Boil. A new excavation m a small settlement in the Apennines to the south of Bologna gives

Figure 27.5 Etruscan grave stela from Bologna. The lower register shows a fight between an F. truscan on horseback and a Celt. (Museo Civico Archeologico, Bologna.)

Us an idea of the process by which the settled Celts adapted themselves to the Italian environment (Vitali 1985,1987). At the eastern downward slope of Monte Bibele, areas of settlement were uncovered which extend over several terraces. Foundations and remains of stone houses were uncovered which form built-up complexes clustered closely together and separated from each other by alleys. There is also a well. The first impression suggests that this is a small Etruscan centre. Remnants of iron and copper slag hint at metal prospection in the Apennines. The finds include various iron instruments as well as local pottery and black Firnis-wares from Etruscan Volterra. Sometimes the vessels have engravings, so-called graffiti which include Etruscan names. Only the fragments of a few glass arm-rings and several coins clearly indicate a Celtic presence. It is not yet clear whether the settlement was already in existence before 400 BC. It flourished! n the fourth and third centuries liC.

Near the settlement a cemetery was discovered which was used for both cremations and inhumations. There was no discernible order in the arrangement of the male and female graves. It is noticeable that! n the centre of the cemetery there are graves without weapons which contain, among other items, 'Italic fibulae’, the

KONUHENTI AimCHI

8REI0 - VOL IX TAV, XI

Figure 27.6 Grave goods of a Celt from Momefortino in the hinterland of Ancona.

Figure 27.7 Decorated bronze sword sheaths in the Waldalgcshcim style of the fourth century BC (solid symbols) and of later date (open symbols).

So-callcd Certosa fibulae; these are probably the oldest. They are surrounded by other graves, in which there are typical Italian objects including pottery, along with Celtic fibulae, beginning with examples belonging to La Tenc Bi. The men are now frequently accompanied by weapons such as the characteristic swords, spears and also helmets of ‘Celtic’ manufacture (Figure 27.8). Though these deceased give the impression of Gauls who became rich in the locality, the same is not so clear as regards the women, for many were excavated who were accompanied by pottery vessels upon which Etruscan names were engraved.

Similar finds have come from Bologna itself (e. g. Kruta [980). They show clearly that a mixing of population had taken place which went beyond the simple adaptation by the Celts of the customs and the luxury items extant at that time in Italy,

In the territory of the Boii, too, settlement finds are unfortunately scarce. For Celtic Bologna in particular, we can reconstruct only a very vague picture. From burials in the immediate vicinity, however, or, for example, from the filling materia! of wells, it is evident that Celts lived there, having adapted to an urban way of life, and that the occupation of the towns continued, though in reduced form. Similar observations can be made in the suburbs of the Cenomanian Brixia (Brescia). To date we know least about Mediolanum (Milan) (e. g. Frey 1984).

Figure 27.8 A Celtic grave from Monte Bibele in the Bologna region (scale approx. 1:5).

The process of assimilation between the Celts and the Italian population stops abruptly in Picenum and the area of Bologna, after the Boii and the Senones had been defeated and largely expelled. For the area north of the river Po up to the valleys of the Alps, the picture, however, is different. Here continued development of Celtic culture in the second and first centuries BC is recognizable in the archaeological remains (Arslan 1991; Tizzoni 1981; 1984; 1985; Stockli 1975).

Corresponding with the written sources, the archaeological evidence shows also that the Celts in Italy maintained close contact with their relations in western and central Europe. The development of personal ornament and of weapons parallels that in the areas north of the Alps. Conversely, reflux influences from the emigrating Gauls are recognizable in transalpine Europe. However, imported luxury goods from Italy are rare in central and western Europe in the fourth and third centuries BC. This may be the result of specific burial rituals or could reflect the fact that the towns of north Italy no longer had the capacity for surplus production and trade they had in Etruscan times. On the other hand, there are indications of cultural contacts - termed ‘reflux cultural movements’ by archaeologists - which go back to the assumed immigration of Celtic tribes. For example, several major burials in the Champagne have produced iron meat skewers which date to La Tene A, i. e. the fifth century BC (Dechelette 1914: 1412). These often occur in Italy from the late eighth century onwards; moreover, they are a recurring element in the graves of the Senones and the Boii. Should not this transfer of a burial rite be explained in terms of personal knowledge of the customs of another land? Do we not have here an indication of the absorption of foreign ideas which is not mere coincidence?

As touched upon earlier, the relationships are clearer in the context of high-quality craftsmanship. These begin as early as the fifth century BC, the period of the characteristic belt-hooks. In the development of Celtic art, Italian influence is more marked in the second stylistic phase, in the fourth century BC. Even though the by now characteristic tendril style - the so-called ‘Waldalgesheim-style’, after a find-spot in the middle Rhine Qacobsthal 1944: 94) - is, in basic conception, rooted in central Europe, strong influences from Greek/Italian ‘plant ornament’ are unmistakable (Frey 1976). Indeed, some scholars believe that the shaping of this style in fact originates in Italy (Kruta 1982; Peyre 1982). Such relationships in artistic production continue into the third century BC. The extent and intimacy of contacts across the Celtic world at this time is shown by swords with scabbards bearing a recurring dragon-motif (Figure 27.9) (Megaw and Megaw 1990).

Finally, the development of urbanization in Italy may well have had a lasting influence on the Celtic world (Figure 27.10) (Frey 1984). In this regard, there are, again, only a few signs of direct links. Among these, however, are certain types of location new to the major settlements of central Europe, including siting in the middle of a plain, as is indicated by the place-name ‘Mediolanum’, rather than their being protected by steep heights or by rivers. Above all are details of their fortifications for which the Italic agger is an obvious prototype. Of course this does not mean that the emergence of towns to the north of the Alps can only be explained in terms of relationships with Italy. Larger market-places near rivers or on the coast, as well as other sites, might well, with time, have developed an urban character. But the written sources, which give us plenty of detail about Italian towns, give also an impression of social organization and administrative institutions, which we can recognize later in Caesar’s descriptions of the war in Gaul, and which form an essential element of Gaulish urban culture. Influences were thus already in place, later encountered by Caesar in Gaul, which formed the basis for a ‘civilized’ way of life and which paved the way for the rapid romanization of the whole country.

Figure 17.9 Distribution of sword sheaths with dragon pairs. (After J. V.S. Megaw.)