Very few examples of narrative literature have survived from the Late Period (Jasnow 1999; Verhoeven 1999b). A number of fragments preserve narratives in Classical Egyptian. Only one of these is otherwise attested, King Neferkare and General Sisenet which is known from two New Kingdom manuscripts (Posener 1957), but all of these may well date to the time before the Libyan Anarchy.
Only a single substantial narrative in a more contemporary language has so far been published; the story of King Sisobk and Merire the Magician (c.600 bc; Posener 1985; Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 153-60) whose grammar may be regarded as proto-Demotic. The story concerns a young magician, Merire, who gives up his own life to save a dying king. In return the king promises to honor him, protect his wife, and raise his son. He later learns from the goddess Hathor that the king has seized his house, married his wife, and killed his children. The end of the story is not preserved. Merire is also known from fragments of another narrative dating to the Ramesside period (Sauneron 1980), and we may have here the earliest example of a story cycle.
Two newly discovered texts also represent more contemporary additions to the narrative corpus. Papyrus Queen’s College (seventh century bc; Baines et al. 1998; Baines 1999b) is unique in being the only known literary text in the late cursive Hieratic script (also known as Abnormal Hieratic). This describes the conflict and dispute between two individuals at the temple of Heliopolis during the reign of a king Usimare. Another manuscript preserves a few lines from the beginning of a story about the army scribe Djeddjehutyefankh son of Amenemone, a historical person known to be the son-in-law of a king Sheshonq and hence set in the Third Intermediate Period (Vittmann 2007).
While relatively little narrative literature survives from the first part of the Late Period, there is a substantial amount of material from the late fifth century onwards. This is so extensive that only a limited number of texts can be described here (details in Thissen 1990; Tait 1994; Depauw 1997: 86-92; Vittmann 1998b; Chauveau 2003; Quack 2005a: 16-80; Hoffmann 2007). These texts are all written in the
Demotic script. The earliest material was uncovered at Saqqara (fifth-fourth century Bc), while later groups derive from Akhmim (first century bc) and from various sites in the Fayum, especially Tebtunis and Soknopaiou Nesos (first-second century ad). The Tebtunis temple library includes about fifty papyri containing narratives. In addition, a number of stories exist in Greek translations, which we know through Herodotos, Diodoros, and other classical authors.
One of the noteworthy aspects of Graeco-Roman narrative literature is the popularity of story cycles. Three of these center on specific historical individuals, viz. king Sesostris (early second millennium bc), the high-priest Khaemwese (thirteenth century bc) and prince Inaros I (seventh century bc). The magician Hor son ofPwensh is the subject ofa fourth cycle, and yet another group oftexts concerns the priesthood of the sun-god in Heliopolis. Each of the cycles seems to have been associated with a particular theme; thus the cycle of Inaros stories concerns warrior exploits, while that of Khamwese concerns magic (Tait 1996: 184).
The cycle of stories about king Sesostris is well attested through the indirect testimony of classical authors (Malaise 1966: 246). Herodotos (2.102-3, 106-10) provides the earliest testimony, while Diodoros (1.53) is most explicit: ‘‘with regard to this king not only are the Greek writers at variance with one another, but also among the Egyptians the priests and the poets who sing his praises give conflicting stories.’’ This statement indicates that a range of stories about the exploits of Sesostris were in circulation during the Graeco-Roman Period, and that they existed in both Egyptian and Greek. The Egyptian evidence is still somewhat sparse and amounts to two poorly preserved papyri from the Tebtunis temple library (Widmer 2002) and a single ostracon of unknown provenance (Ryholt i. p.d). One of the papyri mentions that Sesostris as a king’s son proceeded to Arabia, which matches Diodoros’ statement that ‘‘Sesoclsis... was sent by his father with an army into Arabia.’’
The cycle of stories about Khaemwese and Inaros, who are not mentioned by the classical authors, are much better attested. The stories about Khaemwese, the fourth son of Ramesses II, are likely to have been inspired by the numerous inscriptions he left behind in the Memphite necropolis, recording his restoration of many royal tombs and other monuments. It is no mere coincidence that three of the four published stories include encounters with spirits in cemeteries. We even find a remark in two Ptolemaic copies of the Book of the Dead (Schott 1990: no. 1521) that Khaemwese discovered Spell 167 at the feet of a spirit in the Memphite necropolis, which are perhaps directly influenced by the Khaemwese stories (cf. Khaemwese and Naneferkaptah) rather than the inscriptions he left behind.
The two best preserved stories are Khaemwese and Naneferkaptah (third century; Simpson 2003:453-69; Goldbrunner 2006; Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 137-52) and Khaemwese and Siosiris (first century ad; Griffith 1900; Simpson 2003: 470-89; Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 118-37), also known as ‘‘First Setne’’ and ‘‘Second Setne,’’ after the title setne, which was carried by the high-priest of Memphis. In addition, there are fragments of at least four other stories, two from the Tebtunis temple library (only one published, Tait 1991a; Quack and Ryholt 2000) and two from elsewhere (one third century bc in Spiegelberg 1906: pl. 51,1908:112-15; the other second century bc in Quack i. p.a). An unpublished fragment from Saqqara might preserve the very beginning of a story about Khaemwese (W. J. Tait personal communication).
The two first-mentioned stories both employ the literary device of a story within a story. In Khaemwese and Naneferkaptah, Khaemwese finds a book written by Thoth himself, the god of wisdom, in an ancient tomb belonging to a princess. She warns him not to take the book and tells the story of how her brother-husband stole the book from its guardian and how they and their son lost their lives because of this. Khaemwese takes the book nonetheless. He is subsequently seduced by a dangerous women who manipulates him into signing over his entire property to her and killing his own children but without ever getting his desire for her fulfilled. This episode turns out to be no more than a nightmare and Khaemwese humbly returns the book to the tomb.
Khaemwese and Siosirisis similarly divided into two parts. In the first, Khaemwese’s son Siosiris explains to him how the fate of the rich and poor might be reversed after death and guides him through the netherworld. Especially noteworthy is the description of the miserable fate which draws on the well-known Oknos and Tantalos motifs (Hoffmann 1994b). In the second part, Pharaoh is challenged by a Nubian sorcerer who is eventually defeated by Siosiris. At the end of the final duel, Siosiris reveals his true identity as Hor, son of Pwensh, a powerful magician from Egypt’s remote past. This affords a nice example of intertextuality, since the latter character was himself the center of a cycle of stories (Ryholt i. p.a.), including one which survives in an Aramaic adaption (Porten 2004).
Prince Inaros of Athribis became famous for his rebellion against the Assyrians during their brief domination of Egypt. His identity has only recently been established (Ryholt 2004: 488-9; Quack 2006g). He came from a politically prominent family; his father Bokennife is mentioned in the annals of the Assyrian king Assurba-nipal and his grandfather Petese on the Triumphal Stele of the Kushite Piyi/Piankhy. Both Inaros and his father were deified after their deaths, and the burial of Inaros is described in some detail in at least two stories. His reputation as a warrior is similarly stated in several texts. One asserts that ‘‘there is no warrior clan in Egypt like the clan of the deceased king Inaros’’ while in another Inaros is informed that the Assyrian ruler has learned of his reputation, ‘‘your name has been heard in the districts of the entire world and in the horizon before Re, in the underworld before Osiris, and in Punt before Amun, because of your strength of might and your marvel as a warrior.’’ His outstanding reputation is illustrated by the fact that no less than twenty papyri from the Tebtunis temple library are inscribed with stories from this cycle, and several other papyri and tablets are attested. Curiously, the earliest surviving Inaros story is an Aramaic text from the early fifth century BC written in red ink on the walls inside a much older tomb (Holm 2007). The text is fragmentary and difficult to read, but there is mention of kings Necho, Esarhaddon, and Taharqa, in addition to Inaros himself, just like in the Inaros Epic.
Central to the cycle of Inaros stories is the Inaros Epic which recounts his exploits at length and which seems to be the longest known Demotic narrative, with the possible exception of the Myth of the Sun’s Eye, although it is incompletely preserved (unpublished, cf. Ryholt 2004). The story is set in the reign of Necho I and describes a struggle with Esarhaddon and the Assyrians, thus reflecting the historical situation around 670 BC. There is, however, a conflation of elements; Inaros also fights the Persians, and the Assyrian king swears by Ahura Mazda. This suggests that Inaros of
Athribis was sometimes confused with his later name-sake, Inaros II, who rebelled against the Persians.
Most of the published Inaros stories are set in the time after his death and concern members of his clan. On the surface two of them, the Contest for Inaros’ Armor (Hoffmann 1996; Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 59-87) and the Contest for Inaros’ Diadem and Lance (Ryholt i. p.a.), concern objects intimately associated with Inaros and, therefore, of great symbolic value. to the discovery of new fragments (Ryholt 1998; Ryholt i. p.a.), it is now clear that the former text is much more than the story about a feud between two clans over possession of Inaros’ armor; the important ceremonies of the Navigation of Osiris, performed during the Khoiak festival, are not carried out in the appropriate manner, and it is this circumstance that provokes the anger of Osiris. He sends demons to earth in order to possess the leaders of the two main clans in Egypt and entice them to fight for possession of Inaros’ armor. In this manner the traumatic historical reality of civil war is put into a mythological perspective. The Contest for the Benefice of Amun (Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 88-107) similarly plays out against a cultic background. Here the ceremony of the Crossing of Amun is disrupted when the sacred bark is hijacked by a rebellious priest and his men. They go so far as to imprison the son and grandson of the king in the cargo-hold and feast on the divine offerings on board. The text is preserved in at least four copies, one from Akhmim (first century bc; Spiegelberg 1910; Hoffmann 1995) and three from the Tebtunis temple library (first-second century ad; Tait 2000a). Other substantial stories include Petechons and Sarpot (Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 107-17), which, like many other contemporary stories, draws upon the exploits of Alexander the Great; Petechons visits the Land of the Women (which is also mentioned in the Inaros Epic), fights a duel with their queen, and continues on an expedition as far as India. The text is preserved in two copies ofa common Fayumic origin (second century ad; Hoffmann 1995). Fragments of several further Inaros stories remain to be published.
The stories of the Heliopolitan priesthood (list in Ryholt i. p.a) seem to be a less closely knit cycle than the Khaemwese and Inaros stories, although certain names do reappear. Of particular importance is the Petese Stories, a compilation of 70 stories about the virtues and vices of women attested in four papyri, one from Saqqara (fourth century bc) and three from the Tebtunis temple library (Ryholt 1999; 2005b: esp. 1-19). The numerous stories were compiled, on the orders of the Heliopolitan prophet Petese, as a literary testament by which he would be remembered. There was a rich literary tradition about the sage Petese; according to one he himself had once deciphered an ancient work on astrology by Imhotep that had been discovered in the temple of Heliopolis, and according to another he was Plato’s Egyptian instructor in astrology at the same temple (Quack 2002a; Ryholt 2005b: 13-16). The overall structural pattern of the Petese Stories is very similar to the Arabian Nights; an overarching story forms the introduction as well as the fabric into which the long series of shorter tales is woven. Most, if not all, of the stories are presented by a baboon to Sakhminofret, the wife of Petese, and the composition seems to have been modeled on the Myth of the Sun’s Eye. Each of the stories is numbered and classified into one of two categories, the Stories of the Virtues of Women or the Stories of the Vices of Women. One of the stories preserved is especially noteworthy insofar as it is known from a translation by Herodotos, the so-called Pheros Story (2.111). The composition as a whole must have been widely read since the Stories of the Vices of Women are cited by title in two contemporary texts; the seedy harpist in the Poeme Satyrique is blamed for singing about such ill-behaved women, while the Insinger Wisdom Text asserts that such women actually do exist.
Another substantial narrative, the Life of Imhotep, survives only in several hundred fragments (Ryholt i. p.b). The text recounts various exploits and episodes from the life of Imhotep, the greatest sage of all in Egyptian literary tradition. The king he served, Djoser, also plays a prominent part, and perhaps inevitably there is even mention of Pharaoh’s tomb, which is likely to be the famous Step Pyramid. Also Imhotep’s family is drawn into the story, viz. his divine father Ptah, his mother Khereduankh, and his little sister Renpetneferet. In one episode Djoser and Imhotep have set out to retrieve the Osiris relics which have been carried off by the Assyrians, and the text describes in detail a magical duel between Imhotep and the woman who leads the Assyrian army (Ryholt 2004: 500-2). The retrieval of exiled divine images is a well-attested topos in literature and propaganda during the Graeco-Roman Period.
Significantly, most Demotic narrative literature concerns historical persons of considerable renown, and most of it derives from priestly contexts (Ryholt 2005b: 18). It may, therefore, be argued that the texts were kept as a form of historical records, regardless of the fact that they do not present history in the modern sense, and the context corroborates the statements by classical authors such as Herodotos and Diodoros - which has often been received sceptically - that they got most oftheir stories from priests (in detail Lloyd 1975: 77-140).
A significant number of the stories are based on the concept of imitatio in the sense of matching or surpassing achievements, above all in relation to great conquerors. In some cases this has long been recognized, such as the claims that Sesostris had conquered the Scythians (Herodotos 2.110), at the time when Darius was the greatest known conqueror and had failed to do so, and later that Sesostris had visited all of India (Diodoros 1. 55), after Alexander had assumed the role as the greatest conqueror and had failed in his Indian mission (Lloyd 1982: 37-9). In other texts the imitatio has so far gone unnoticed. A particularly interesting example is the so-called Bentresh Stele which is preserved in two monumental inscriptions from Karnak and Luxor (Broze 1989; cf. Bell 1986 for the unpublished Luxor version). Here Ramesses II is not only portrayed as the supreme ruler but even marries a Bactrian princess in clear imitation of Alexander. The description of the event is partly modeled on Ramesses’ historical marriage to a Hittite princess in his 34th Regnal Year, but, since Alexander died in his 33 rd year, the date of the event has been lower to the 23rd year so as to surpass Alexander by a decade. That age and years mattered is shown by Manetho, who records that Sesostris, who is often compared to Alexander, similarly died in his 33rd year.
In addition to the historical narratives a number of animal stories or fables have survived. Several of these are embedded in the Myth of the Sun’s Eye, including the Lion in Search of Man (Lichtheim 1980a: 156-9), which describes man’s cruel treatment of animals. The end of the fable describes how the lion encounters a mouse that ends up saving him; a shorter version of the same episode is found among the Aesop fables. Also noteworthy is the fable of the Swallow and Sea (Collombert 1999; Hoffmann and Quack 2007: 194-5). An Arabian prince writes to Necho II and compares the futility of destroying Arabia to the swallow which tried to empty the ocean with its beak. The story finds a parallel in the Indian Pancatantra, and the so-called Arabian prince in the Egyptian text might be none other than the famous Indian king Ashoka (Betrc) 1999).
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