Plutarch in the second century ad wrote a large number of so-called lives - biographies - of important figures from Greek and roman history. Plutarch, though he read rather less than he claimed, nonetheless read widely and collected much information about his subjects from good sources. His biographies are useful for the entire period of Greek history, but nowhere so much as here, where his Life of Demetrius Pol-iorcetes, because Book XXI of Diodorus is attested in fragments only, becomes the chief narrative source. Just enough of Diodorus, however, is attested to show that Plutarch frequently relied on the same source, Hieronymus of Cardia. The transition from Diodorus to Plutarch does not then involve a true switch in source.
Plutarch, however, was writing biography, not history. He himself made this point in his Life of Alexander:
I am not writing histories, but biographies. For virtue and vice do not always manifest themselves in the most eminent deeds, but rather a small matter such as a quip or a Joke may illuminate character better than battles with thousands of casualties, than complicated military formations, and sieges of cities. Just as portrait painters take their likenesses from the face and the expression of the eyes, by which character is shown, but pay the least attention to other body parts, so must I concentrate more on what reveals the soul and in this way depict the life of each; while leaving mighty deeds and battles to others. (Alex. 1)
Plutarch, who wished to depict character, thus set himself a different goal from that of the historian. Granted, he worked with historical material, but he selected those details which served his purpose so that his exposition often lacks historical clarity. Thus, at Demetr. 32 Demetrius holds Cilicia, but at Demetr. 47 it is in Seleucus' hands without so much as a word of explanation. After the battle of Ipsus, Pleistarchus received southern Asia Minor, including Caria (see chap. 20). However, at Demetr. 46 Lysimachus holds Caria with no explanation of what had become of Pleistarchus' realm in the meantime. Surely Hieronymus of Cardia had explained all that, but Plutarch was unconcerned. Neither does Plutarch provide much in the way of chronology even though Hieronymus had presented events in an annalistic framework, carefully noting the beginning of each successive winter (e. g., Diod. XIX 34; 37; 56).
Plutarch's focus on character moreover leads to some unusual conclusions. For example he tells how Demetrius planned to invade the Upper Satrapies, part of Seleucus' empire, and then entered into Cilicia, another part of Seleucus' empire; but when Demetrius negotiated with Seleucus, Plutarch actually attributes Seleucus' ill-temper towards Demetrius to the churlish advice of Seleucus' unchivalrous advisor (Demetr. 47-48) - as though Seleucus might otherwise have taken kindly to Demetrius' invasion of his kingdom!
On the other hand, Plutarch did preserve material in his biographies which historians overlooked. Some of the best-loved and best-remembered stories about Alexander the Great - for example how the boy Alexander was able to ride the great, black horse Bucephalus when he noticed that the horse was spooked by its own shadow - are absent from Arrian, who was far too busy describing military formations and battles in which countless thousands died, but survive thanks to Plutarch (Alex. 6).
Nonetheless things got worse for Demetrius before they got better. Athens annulled its alliance with him, and Demetrius, in no position to besiege it, simply had to accept this. Other cities followed suit, and Demetrius’ dominion in Greece shrank to a few cities around the Isthmus. Seleucus now threw Demetrius a lifeline (Plut. l. c.). The victors at Ipsus had awarded all of Syria to Seleucus (Pol. V 67), yet Ptolemy still held Hollow Syria. Even if Seleucus forewent any action against Ptolemy, he had no intention of seeing Hollow Syria an Egyptian possession for ever (Diod. XXI 1,5). In like fashion Seleucus was not willing to countenance Lysimachus’ and Pleistarchus’ rule over Asia Minor. But Seleucus, who knew how to bide his time, was equally unwilling blatantly to upset the balance of power which had come into being after Ipsus. Any open attempt at seizing land from Lysimachus, Pleistarchus, or Ptolemy would merely create a coalition of warlords against him who in the end, because together they were stronger than he, would bring him down. But Demetrius - who had little to lose from an attack on Cassander, Lysimachus, Pleistarchus, or Ptolemy - might prove a useful tool in this regard. So Seleucus extended his hand to Demetrius Poliorcetes who grasped it with alacrity. Seleucus’ marriage with Demetrius’ daughter Stratonice sealed the alliance.
Demetrius was soon carrying out plundering raids in the Chersonese, part of Lysimachus’ kingdom. Moreover, Demetrius seized Cilicia (presumably the eastern “smooth Cilicia” as distinct from the western “rough Cilicia”) from Pleistarchus (Plut. Demetr. 31-32) and Samareia in southern Syria from Ptolemy (Euseb. II 118 Schoene). However, it appears that Seleucus expected Cilicia from Demetrius and grew angry when it was not forthcoming (Plut. Demetr. 32). What exactly Demetrius and Seleucus had agreed upon privately is unknown, but Demetrius was no pliable tool in Seleucus’ hands.
Cassander’s death in 298 opened up additional opportunities for Demetrius. Cassander’s son, Philip IV, died soon after his father; and Cassander’s remaining two sons, Antipater and Alexander, were still minors for whom their mother Thessalonice, a daughter of Philip II’s, apparently assumed the regency (Euseb. I 231 Schoene). In the absence of any rival in Greece the time was ripe for Demetrius to regain lost ground. Civil war had broken out in Athens (Paus. I 25,7; Plut. Demetr. 33), and Demetrius sought to capitalize on this. Failing at taking Athens immediately, he turned to the Peloponnese and captured Messene. From there he returned, captured Eleusis and blockaded Athens itself. Starvation forced the Athenians to surrender, and Demetrius garrisoned both Athens as well as the Peiraeus in 294 (Plut. Demetr. 33-34).
While Demetrius was winning Greece, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus made common cause against him everywhere else. Lysimachus captured ports in western Asia Minor, while Ptolemy captured Cyprus (Plut. Demetr. 35). Cilicia was in Seleucus’ possession a few years later (Plut. Demetr. 47); presumably Seleucus had meantime taken by force what he viewed as rightfully his anyway. When the news of Cyprus’ loss arrived, Demetrius withdrew from Sparta, which he was on the verge of capturing, and Sparta remained independent (Plut. Demetr. 35).
Events in Macedonia, however, played into Demetrius’ hands. Antipater, Cassander’s eldest surviving son, had had his mother Thessalonice murdered. A civil war had broken out between him and his younger brother Alexander who had pled with both Demetrius and Pyrrhus, the King of Epirus, for help. Pyrrhus had responded more quickly; and together with Lysimachus, the King of Thrace, had helped negotiate a treaty according to which the two brothers were to divide Macedonia into halves. When Demetrius finally arrived, all was settled, so Alexander attempted to dismiss Demetrius, but Demetrius had him assassinated instead. Antipater’s rule was anything but firmly established, and his matricide and murder of Philip Il’s last remaining child did little to endear him to his people. Demetrius persuaded the Macedonian army to come over to his side, and Antipater fled to Lysimachus. He, however, was involved in a difficult war against the Getae in the north, and so could not stop Demetrius who for his part was willing to make peace with his neighbor. Lysimachus, still in 294, recognized Demetrius as the new King of Macedonia (Just. XVI 1; Plut. Demetr. 36-37; Euseb. I 231 Schoene).
A quick campaign against the Boeotians brought them under his control (Plut. Demetr. 39), and Demetrius stood unchallenged as the ruler of Macedonia and Greece (bar Sparta on the Peloponnese and the Aetolians in the west). He founded a new centrally located capital for his kingdom, Demetrias, on the site of Pagasae, Thessaly’s chief port (Strab. IX 5,15, p. 436). Demetrius, however, not content with what he had won, began massive preparations for an invasion of Asia (Plut. Demetr. 43).
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