THE "COLLAPSE" OF CALAKMUL AS AN EXAMPLE OF PAN-REGIONAL PROCESSES

The political and demographic processes that led to the “collapse” of Calakmul during the Terminal Classic period have parallels elsewhere in the Maya region (e. g., Culbert et al. 1990; Fash et al.. Chapter 12, this volume; Fash and Sharer 1991; Fialko et al. 1998). As at Copan, the political decline of the Calakmul regional state began long before a period for which there is any evidence of population loss. We date the beginning of this political process to a. d. 695, when, after a series of spectacular victories (some of which were won through lesser allies such as Caracol) lasting almost 200 years, Calakmul suffered an important defeat at the hands of Jasaw Chan K’awiil of Tikal. The recent discovery of the tomb of Yukno’om Yich’aak K’ahk’ in Structure II makes it highly unlikely that Jasaw Chan K’awiil captured and sacrificed the great Calakmul king (Carrasco Vargas et al. 1999; Pincemin et al. 1998). Nevertheless, at least two important lords of Calakmul seem to have been captured in this action. Moreover, it is certain that the Calakmul king did not live long after this event and it is conceivable that he died as a result of the battle. Thus the end of the “hiatus” at Tikal, the beginning of which was signaled by a defeat of that site orchestrated by Calakmul in a. d. 562, marks the beginning of the political decline of Calakmul (cf. Marcus 1998: Figure 3.1). Although we can find no evidence linking this loss in war to a loss of population, we concur in a general way with Demarest (Chapter 6, this volume). Success in warfare played an important role in the rise of Calakmul, and a reversal of fortunes contributed to its political decline.

But early eighth-century Calakmul was still one of the two greatest political forces of the Maya lowlands. In a. d. 736, a lord of Calakmul visited K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat at Quirigua, apparently extending the influence of the Calakmul regional state to the southeastern periphery. The defeat of Waxaklajuun U B’aah K’awiil of Copan less than two years later may have been accomplished with the consent of this k’uhul kan ajaw (Looper 1995). Thus the first event in the political decline of Copan may have been precipitated by the machinations of a still powerful Calakmul.

By A. D. 750 Calakmul began to forge stronger political and economic ties with polities to the north. This, as Carrasco Vargas (1998) has speculated, may have been a response to the waning political strength of the ruling dynasty. Alternatively, we suggest that this change in external relations represents a shift away from the weakening political and economic sphere of the south, toward the vibrant and emerging system of the north. In our view, this change of focus was an attempt by the ruling elite to reinforce the political and economic strength of Calakmul. These new connections are manifested in the archaeological record by the first appearance at Calakmul of ceramics from the Rio Bee, Chenes, and Edzna regions. Northern affinities also can be seen in Calakmul architecture, particularly in modifications to Structure II, which became a palace-temple pyramid with the addition of Structures II-B, II-C, II-D, and the rooms on the north facade. Such buildings that integrate the economic, residential, and administrative functions of palaces with the sacred role and architecture of temple-pyramids were common in the northern lowlands during the eighth century.

At about the same time that Calakmul began to engage in significant interaction with sites in the northern lowlands, global cooling started to affect rainfall in the Rio Candelaria watershed (Gunn and Folan 1996; Gunn et al. 1994, 1995). Although we do not know the precise date when climatic deterioration became serious enough to lead to population loss—either through lowered birth rates, migration, or starvation—much of the rural area of the kingdom was abandoned in the ninth century. By a. d. 900, the population of the Calakmul regional state had declined by at least 1.3 million individuals from its Late Classic maximum.

We have identified two general adaptive strategies to waning political power and the first century of the drought (a. d. 750-850). First, economic ties with the northern Maya lowlands and the lower Usumacinta region became more important. As the Peten economic sphere became less important to Calakmul, greater quantities of goods like Fine Paste ceramics and Mexican obsidian were received from trading partners to the north and west. In particular, trade connections were formed with the Puuc region and Chichen Itza, and access to Gulf Coast trade may have been mediated by Fdzna. Second, existing populations within the kingdom became focused on bajo margins, particularly in areas with existing reservoirs. The abandonment of drier uplands and the construction of slightly raised fields in the moister bajos served as a maximization strategy during a period of diminishing agricultural returns (cf. Fialko et al. 1998).

Despite significant political setbacks, climatic deterioration, and a subsequent demographic crisis, a political system based on the precepts of divine rulership continued to function until at least a. d. 899 or 909, when the last dated stelae were erected in the kingdom. Calakmul Stelae 61, 84, and 91, Oxpemul Stela 7, and La Muneca Stelae 1 and 13 all depict individuals dressed in the trappings of divine kings. These all are coeval with the last dated monuments at Tonina and Dzibanche.