Where there is evidence of royal administration of land, trade, and the economy, there is evidence that royal women were active as well, often holding positions of responsibility on behalf of the king or taking part in private transactions of their own. Excavations of the Early Dynastic levels at Lagash, for example, uncovered large numbers of tablets which proved to be the archive of an agricultural institution called the ‘‘household of the wife’’ administered by the ruler’s wife. These women managed the cultivation of over ten thousand acres, or 4,048 hectares, of land and were responsible for a huge and complex administration which employed a large number of men, women, and children to labor in the fields, tend livestock, and produce textiles in return for food rations. Institutions like that of Lagash existed in several cities and functioned throughout the early periods of Mesopotamian history (Van De Mieroop 1989: 54). The royal women of the Sargonic period similarly administered large estates in their own right and traveled freely between them (Foster 1987b: 53; Sallaberger and Westenholz 1999: 70-2). The significant contributions made by royal wives of the Ur III state (2112-2004 bce) to the administration of the state economy are well attested in several cities of the empire (Kang 1971: 2-7; Sallaberger and Westenholz 1999: 182-5).
Royal women often held positions of great responsibility and were sometimes second only to the king. At Ebla in the mid-third millennium the king’s mother and the queen were among the most dominant people at court (Biga 1987: 41-7; Archi 2002: 1). From Mari, a city now near the Iraqi-Syrian border, around 1800 bce there is copious evidence for the administrative activity of royal women. A large archive of letters to and from Shibtu, the wife of the ruler Zimri-Lim, demonstrates that when the king was away on campaign, she acted as his representative. He sent her directions and information, and she in turn carried out his orders and reported back to him. From her letters it is apparent that the king delegated authority and tasks to Shibtu, yet there seems not to have been any one specific area or institution over which she exercised sole control. Although Shibtu was subordinate to the king, her administrative role mirrored his; she participated in virtually all areas of administration, and her sphere of influence extended beyond the bounds of Mari itself (Artzi and Malamat 1971: 83-6; Batto 1974: 15). Letters show that she was usually carrying out her husband’s instructions, so it is best to exercise caution in ascribing to her real political power. Shibtu’s power seems to have derived from her personal talents, the king’s trust, and the privileges of her office.
But not all rulers’ wives were as autonomous or active as Shibtu. A few years earlier a letter from Samsi-Adad to his son complained that the son did not treat his primary wife with the respect due her position and as a result she had little input either in palace administration or over her own fate (Batto 1974: 20-1). This suggests that the extent to which royal wives participated in administration depended on their own abilities and above all on their relationship with their husbands.
During the Neo-Assyrian period (934-610 bce) elite women took part in economic affairs, owned and administered estates, and fulfilled tax obligations. The king’s primary wife was wealthy in her own right; she received a share of tribute and audience gifts which other women did not, and she could even own her own palace. The consort and the queen mother employed a large number of men and women and ran households that were in many respects mirror images of the king’s or the crown prince’s (Melville in press). Some of the king’s secondary wives probably came to court through diplomatic marriage, bringing with them suitable attendants and personal assets, over which they maintained some control. Evidence for the economic activity of secondary wives and concubines is scanty, but it is likely that they were free to carry out business transactions using their personal wealth. NeoAssyrian royal women could act individually, dispose of their own property as they wished, and administer large domains, but it is likely that whatever wealth they acquired reverted to the king when they died, and therefore their independence was something of a fiction.
Privileged women of all periods, especially the ruler’s wife or his mother, played important administrative roles. It is not always possible to determine when they were acting in an official capacity and when they were dealing as private persons. Nor is it clear whether and in what way their activities may have been curtailed by gender constraints. Nonetheless, the highest ranking women enjoyed economic freedoms and administrative responsibilities which were on a par with, or exceeded, those of many men.
World History
