The destruction of the Bronze Age Minoan culture of Crete is heavily debated, with theories spanning the gamut from invaders to tsunamis; yet, all these theories have not brought us any closer to understanding what led to the demise of this fascinating culture. Following the work of Jan Driessen and Colin F. Macdonald (1997), it is clear that an array of factors contributed to the downfall of the Minoans. In particular, ‘the archaeological evidence suggests a severe economic dislocation,’ triggered by an increase in seismic activity during the Minoan period (Monaco and Tortorici, 2004; Nur and Cline, 2000). However, few if any of the more recent studies that analyzed factors that led to the demise of the Minoans have examined possible effects that earthquakes may have had on groundwater and water supplies during the Late Minoan lA-IB period (Gorokhovich and Fleeger, 2007; Gorokhovich, 2005). Our theory argues that collapse of the Late Minoan IA-IB well infrastructure in main palatial settlements, such as Phaistos and Knossos, was the major factor that precipitated socio-economic changes at these centers and might have played a role in the formation of what Jan Driessen has referred to as ‘crisis cults’ as a method to cope with the change in water supply (Driessen, 2001).
Our theory is based on similarities between the geological settings of the modern day earthquakes at Pymatuning (Pennsylvania) and Japan and those of ancient Crete. All geographic locations share geological heterogeneity of aquifer material that could provide favorable conditions for appearance of so-called ‘perched aquifers.’ Perched aquifers can provide water on hilltops, unlike regular deep or shallow aquifers that discharge directly into the river valley. The evidence from the previous section Modern Perspective shows that earthquake activity can trigger structural changes in geologic media and destroy the ability of perched aquifers to feed local wells.
The significance of water and springs for rituals and cults is readily apparent when studying cultures of the ancient world, yet due to absence of written documents in Crete it is often difficult to provide evidence for the Minoans’ affinity for water (Rutkowski, 1986). However, Alan Peatfield, an Aegean archaeologist, has been able to illustrate the importance of liquid and its ritual manipulation as a structural element in Minoan religion through the use of images and the placement of Minoan ritual sites (1995). As he explains, ‘close to many Minoan peak sanctuaries there are wells and springs, with sherds scattered around, e. g. Jouktas, Kophinas, and Karphi’ (1995). Moreover, at the sanctuary of Kato Syme, on the southern slopes of Mt. Dikte, an abundant spring cuts through the part of the shrine and must have influenced the choice for the establishment of the cult in this remote location (Lebessi andMuhly, 1990; Peatfield, 1995).
The connection between Minoan shrines and springs suggests use of water as part of the Minoan belief system. The Minoans’ emphasis on the natural world is not surprising considering that they were predominantly an agrarian society that depended on rain, rivers and springs to provide for their sustenance. Peatfield continues by describing how Minoan society functioned: ‘in a sense, therefore, fertility underpins the whole social order, and ensures its continuity. Fertility is also fundamental to social hierarchy, in that access to and control of its products provide the economic base of wealth and prestige... Therefore, any threat to that fertility is also a metaphorical threat to society - a crisis.’ (1995) These statements provide direct support to our theory that the loss of spring and ground water as a result of seismic activity could create a crisis situation that would reverberate through both religious and political spheres of Minoan society.
It is hard to gain a clear perspective on storage and use of water installations in Crete during the Late Minoan (LM) period for numerous reasons. For instance, there is a great debate over the function and dating of koulouras (the Greek word for something round and hollow) or the wide and/or deep round structures found at sites such as Knossos, Mallia, Myrtos-Pyrgos, and Phaistos ranging from the Early Minoan through the Late Minoan (LM) period, which would seem to be the repositories for collecting water (Fig. 10.2). Some argue that they were cisterns (Watrous et al., 2004; Cadogan, 2007), others granaries (Strasser, 1997 [with regard to Mallia only]; Halstead, 1997; MacGillivray, 1994), and Evans suggested that at Knossos they were rubbish pits (1935).
Fig. 10.2 Koulouras in Phaistos palace
One should also consider the possibility that over time these structures may have had more than one function. There is some consensus on two LM I plastered round structures with paved bottoms, which allowed the ground water to seep in between the stones, from Archanes-Tourkoyeitonia and in the east wing of the Palace at Zakro that functioned as a well in antiquity (Cadogan, 2007). Thus, getting a better understanding of the effects of geological hazards in ancient times requires a joint, multidisciplinary effort from hydrogeologists, archaeologists, geologists, and historians to investigate geological and archaeological field data, analyze contemporary events in nearby locations, and make comparisons with other geographic places in order to elicit a solution. Unfortunately, most studies to date are conducted by scholars in a single field and do not utilize unique tools, approaches, and theories that a multidisciplinary work can offer.
That being said, a geological study of Phaistos locality by Watrous et al. (1993) revealed that the hill supporting the Palace of Phaistos consists of mixed marl and conglomerate deposits from Upper Miocene. By geological definition, marl is a sedimentary rock consisting of clay and calcium carbonate, usually formed by diagenesis from marine deposits. The heterogeneity of this material favors existence of perched aquifers, which would provide water for domestic needs. Findings of wells and distributed water mains in Phaistos serve as evidence to the existence of an ancient water supply system. The river Ieropotamos at the foothill of Phaistos provided additional water to the palace; however, today both the river and the wells are dry.
It is interesting to note that later on in history, in the time of Justinian (527-565 A. D.), earthquakes were still affecting life of the inhabitants of Crete. At Gortyn, the capital of Roman and Early Byzantine Crete, two inscriptions, I. C. 461 and I. C. 465 (Codex Vaticanus Graecus, 1759), found in situ, both dated to the second half of the 6th century, acknowledge a certain Georgios who returned the water supply to the town (Di Vita, 1996). These two inscriptions lead one to believe that the extensive damage of the old underground water supply system and its eventual replacement by a new aqueduct were the results of a seismic disaster in approximately 560 A. D. This suggests that loss of water in the settlements of Crete in ancient times was a recurrent event throughout the history of the island.
A comparison of Crete with other locations in the Mediterranean basin provides more insight into the ancient perspective by reviewing the link between geologic structure and settlement patterns. In a study of Malta, Louis Cassar (1997) noted an important role of local marl deposits on settlement patterns. He wrote: ‘The relatively thin stratum of Blue Clay, in fact a limestone marl, is said to have made early settlement on the islands possible. Since clay is impervious, a large number of springs occur through the percolation of rain water, being significant as a domestic water source and as the basis of a life-giving zone of irrigated farmland. In historic times, artesian wells were dug through the upper layers in order to tap the water trapped above the clay.’
In another study of the city of Priene, D. P. Crouch (1996) mentioned subsurface streams in the upland areas with carbonate rocks. According to the author, these streams provided more than 80% of houses with water tapped by pipelines from the mountain. She also referred to the study of Meulenkamp (Meulenkamp et al., 1972) who pointed out that “bioclastic limestones... with intercalation and displaced boulders of bluish clays or marls... are found at more than 200 meters above sea level.” Crouch indicated that water from this height was brought down into the city of Rhodes and its acropolis. The acropolis also served as water storage via the use of grottoes.
The available evidence suggests that ancient civilizations used perched aquifers as a water resource. The relative fragility of perched aquifers, their heterogeneity and limited spatial extent can explain both perched aquifers’ important role for water supply and cult and their vulnerability to seismic hazards. Although the direct historical evidence is scarce, the loss of water supply induced by earthquake activity could have caused the relocation of people in ancient times, forcing them to find new sources of water, especially if the resilience of the society was weakened by social, economic, political and religious reasons.