In time, the subjugation of Mitanni by Suppiluliuma had left Hatti increasingly vulnerable on its eastern flank, without an adequate buffer against the growing territorial ambitions of Assyria. Just to cite an example, in the account of a raid he made to the west in his accession year (around year 35 of Ramesses II), the Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta I (ca. 1244-1208) claims: “I uprooted 28,800 Hittite people from Syria (lit. ‘Beyond the Euphrates’) and led (them) into my land” (Grayson 1972: 118, 121). At the same time, Egypt’s western frontier was coming under increased pressure from Libyan encroachment; in an attempt to curb intruders from that direction, Ramesses built a chain of fortresses extending from the western approaches to the Delta almost to the border of modern Libya (Habachi 1980; O’Connor 1983: 272 -75).
In an extraordinary turn of events, in the year 21 Ramesses II and Hattusili III (the brother of Muwattalli II and grandson of Suppiluliuma - his reign corresponds approximately to Ramesses’ years 16-46), finally recognizing their common interests, entered into an alliance of peace. This great treaty has survived in copies recovered from both lands.29 It was sealed through the exchange of large silver tablets written in Babylonian and carried by envoys between the two courts; needless to say, these have not survived.30 However, even the great seals of the Hittite ruler and his queen Puduhepa (one on each side of the tablet sent from Hatti) are described in full detail in the hieroglyphic version of the text.31 Three clay archival tablets containing substantial parts of the Babylonian text of the Egyptian silver tablet have been discovered during excavations conducted at ancient Hattusa.32 A nearly intact Egyptian translation of the Hittite silver tablet into hieroglyphics is preserved on a wall just outside the south entrance to the Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak Temple.33 The format of this parity treaty34 (an agreement between acknowledged equals) is similar to that employed in Hittite vassal treaties, which generally consist of preamble, historical introduction, specific provisions or stipulations, details of deposition of copies, list of divine witnesses, curses and blessings (Beckman 1999: 2-4). The particular obligations incumbent upon the signatories in this case are “the reaffirmation of former treaties, the mutual renunciation of aggression, a mutual defense pact, the guarantee of succession to the throne for the designated heir of the Hittite ruler, and the extradition of fugitives” (Beckman 1999: 4). The agreement recognized the territorial status quo, leaving Qadesh and Amurru in Hittite hands; in other words, the existence of the natural boundary between Egypt and Hatti was confirmed precisely where it had been ever since the days of Suppiluliuma, when the great struggle began! (Archi 1997: 4, 6).
The treaty is spoken of as “an arrangement for instituting the condi-tions/relationship which (the gods) Re and Seth set for the land of Egypt with the land of Hatti, in order to prevent hostiliti(es) from occurring between them forever” (cf. Wilson 1969:199; Davies 1997: 100-01); “the eternal regulation which the Sun-god and the Storm-god made for Egypt with Hatti... (to provide) peace and brotherhood and to prohibit hostilities between them” (Beckman 1999: 98). Egyptian and Hittite gods, summarized as “a thousand gods [variant: gods and goddesses] of the land of Hatti, together with a thousand gods [variant: gods and goddesses] of the land of Egypt,” act as witnesses and guarantors of its provisions.35 The official versions of the treaty were deposited “at the feet of the [Hittite] Storm-god... [and] the Sun-god of Heliopolis and before the Great Gods” (translation adapted from Beckman 1999: 131). The purpose of the treaty is said to be the establishment of “good peace and good brotherhood” between the parties. The participants are spoken of as brothers, and they profess eternal peace and friendship. The hieroglyphic text reads: “he is in brotherhood with me and he is at peace with me, and I am in brotherhood with him and I am at peace with him forever.” Nefertari, Ramesses’ queen, writes similarly to Puduhepa: “And I am likewise in a condition of peace and brotherhood with you, my sister” (Beckman 1999: 129).36 In the later court correspondence, Hattusili writes: “Have not you and I established (a relationship of) brotherhood, and are we (not) as of (only) one father, and are we (not) as of (only) one mother, and do we (not) live as in a single country?” (Edel 1994: vol. 1, 86-87; Archi 1997: 14).
The rulers swear an oath binding their descendants and heirs likewise down through the ages, forswearing any further hostilities between them and pledging to intercede on each other’s behalf in the event of attack by rebels or foreign enemies. They also vow to extradite political opponents or other fugitives seeking exile in their lands. The humane treatment of returning fugitives is described as follows: “and let his house not be torn down, nor his women and children (dispersed); let him not be executed; let no injury be inflicted on his ears, eyes, mouth, or feet; and let no criminal charge(s) be raised against him” (translation collated from parallel hieroglyphic texts); the Babylonian version specifies: “They shall not tear out their tongues or their eyes. And they shall not mutilate(?) their ears or their feet. And they shall not des-troy(?) their households, together with their wives and their sons” (Beckman 1999: 99). The issue of forced repatriation, as well as the question of royal succession, were especially important to Hatti, since Hattusili had deposed his nephew Urhi-Teshshup, who had reigned for seven years as Mursili III (approximately Ramesses’ years 9-16). Urhi-Teshshup had been sent into exile, where attempts were made by his supporters in Anatolia and Hittite-controlled Syria to set him free; he apparently escaped to Egyptian territory (ca. year 18), and was eventually taken to the Egyptian court at Hattusili’s request (in lieu of his forced repatriation).37 Hattusili worried that he might mount a challenge to his uncle’s legitimacy in a bid to regain the throne for himself - perhaps even with Egyptian help (Archi 1997: 6, 10-11; Beckman 1999: 105, 114, 130-32, 141). Finally, a curse is laid upon any ruler who might violate the terms of the treaty, and a blessing upon those who perpetuate them. The Egyptians could not resist inserting at the beginning of the hieroglyphic version, before the preamble, the claim that Hattusili had sued for peace (Wilson 1969: 199; Davies 1997: 98-101).
World History
