The Hellenization of Asia

In the aftermath of the Battle of Ipsus the political map of the Hellenistic world began to take shape. Egypt under Ptolemy already had its basic borders, but Seleucus’ kingdom had yet to reach its full extent. And it was still unclear what state would form in Greece and Macedonia. All the same, in Asia things were settling down, and Seleucus and Ptolemy devoted more and more of their energy to the administration and development of their respective kingdoms. Hand in hand with the establishment of the Hellenistic states went the process of Hellenization, whereby the indigenous peoples of Asia came under the influence of Greek language and culture. The Hellenistic kings drove this process along through the steady importation of Greeks (and Macedonians) into their kingdoms. Sometimes they founded genuinely new cities with these immigrants (e. g., Antioch - see below), but on other occasions they merely placed the immigrants into an existing non-Greek city which then received a new Greek name (e. g., Philadelphia, the older Amman - see below). New foundations were fully Greek from the start, but the renamed cities often had just a core of Greek settlers to which, however, the old inhabitants could assimilate. Both the new and the renamed cities then spread Greek language and culture into the surrounding countryside.

Alexander the Great had led the way with his foundation of the new city of Alexandria in Egypt (Arr. III 1,5-2,2) and with the settlement of Greek mercenaries in existing cities (e. g., in Bactria - Curt. IX 7,1) or in smaller outposts (e. g., Arr. VII 21,7). Since the Diadochi invested most of their energy in wars against each other, they initially founded few cities. But Antigonus Monophthalmus did found Antigoneia on the River Orontes (Diod. XX 47) and settled it with Athenians (Malalas, p. 201). The Mesopotamian town of Carrhae had Macedonian settlers in 312 B. C. (Diod. XIX 91), whichever Diadochus settled it. Some cities in these regions, not known to have been founded by Alexander or by the Seleucids (i. e., Seleucus and his successors) could be Antigonus’ foundations (e. g., Alexandria near Issus).

Ptolemy and his successors, meanwhile, founded a few cities (e. g., Ptolemai's in Upper Egypt [Strab. XVII 1,42, p. 813], Ptolemais in Palestine, and Philadelphia in Transjordan). In addition they welcomed immigrants into Alexandria, including the families from Syracuse whom Theocritus describes and whose Doric dialect grated on the ears of some (XV 87-95). Yet the Ptolemies’ activity pales before the Seleucids’.

Seleucus, already before the Battle of Ipsus, had built Seleuceia on the Tigris, presumably as his capital (Strab. XVI 1,5, p. 738), but after Ipsus he treated Syria as the heartland of his kingdom, and there on the River Orontes he founded a new capital, Antiocheia (“Antioch,” named after his father) (Diod. XX 47,6 - though Diodorus accidentally writes “Seleuceia”). A little upstream lay Apameia, and at the mouth of the Orontes lay the port of Seleuceia. Laodiceia was farther south on the coast (Strab. XVI 2,4, p. 749). Where the road from Antioch reached the Euphrates Seleucus founded another Seleuceia which a bridge connected with another Apamea on the river’s eastern bank. This Seleu-ceia was known as “Seleuceia by the bridge” or simply as Zeugma (“bridge”) (Plin. NH V 86).

In Mesopotamia, where few cities existed, the Seleucids founded a large number (Plin. NH VI 117). Besides the aforementioned Apamea, there were Edessa and Nicephorium, both foundations of Seleucus I (App. Syr. 57). A satrap of Mesopotamia by the name of Nicanor founded Europus (Plin. l. c.; Isidore of Charax, BNJ 781, Fr. 2). Even in the satrapy of Babylon, where many cities already existed, Seleucus I also founded Apollonia to the east of the Tigris, and his successors founded others (Plin. NHVI 117, 129, 132, 146; Strab. XVI 1,18, p. 744).

After Seleucus’ conquest of Asia Minor to the west of the Taurus (see below), his son and grandson, Antiochus I Soter (“savior”) and Antiochus II Theos (“god”), founded Apameia (the older Celaenae) (Strab. XII 8,15, p. 577), Laodiceia on the River Lycus, and Stratoniceia in Caria (Stephanus of Byzantium, ss. vv.) and, probably, Antiocheia on the Meander, and Antiocheia near Pisidia (foundations per se unattested, but only a king named Antiochus is possible as founder). Emigrants from Magnesia on the Meander helped to settle the last-named city (Strab. XII 8,14, p. 577).

Even in the Upper Satrapies the Seleucids were active. Media received a number of Greek cities (Pol. X 27,3): Europus (the older Rhagae), yet another Apameia, and yet another Laodiceia are known (Strab. XI 13,6, p. 524; Plin. VI 43). Seleucus himself settled Greek colonists in Ecbatana (Plin. l. c.). In the Persis there lay yet another Antiocheia with settlers from Magnesia on the Meander (Burstein, Nr. 32); Antiochus I founded Antiocheia Margiane to the north of Aria (Strab. XI 10,2, p. 516), and Appian (Syr. 57) names a series of additional Greek cities in Parthia.

Even when many inhabitants of these cities were not Greek originally, there were usually enough Greeks to “Hellenize” the rest, provided that the city stood under Greek rule long enough, for the administration of the cities functioned in Greek; the officials, the local grandees, as well as the social elite all spoke Greek; and Greek festivals were celebrated. The king who ruled spoke Greek, and his coins bore Greek legends. The cities had Greek names, and whatever the ethnic origin of the inhabitants, in course of time Greek language and Greek culture prevailed.

Even beyond the cities the effects of Hellenization were felt. Much is occasionally made of references in the literary sources (e. g., John Chrysostomus, Homilies 19, p. 184) to the way in which the people living around so thoroughly Greek a city as Antioch still spoke a language other than Greek as late as the fourth and fifth century AD, and doubtlessly Aramaic always remained the predominant language throughout the countryside in Syria. But this does not exclude an easy bilingualism whereby many speakers of the “native” language could at least make do in Greek.

In time even the fashions of the big city pervaded the countryside to the farthest corners of the Empire. Thus by the mid-second century in the sleepy district of Judea, people were adopting Greek names in addition to their native ones (for example, the High Priests Jason and Menelaus - Yeshua and Yohannon respectively before they changed them); and much to the disgust of traditionalists were wearing Greek hats and practicing Greek sports such as discus-throwing (II Macc. IV 12-14). This Greek influence can only have come from neighboring Greek cities such as the nearby Ptolemai's. When a revolt against the Seleucids broke out in Judea in the 160s (see chap. 24), historical texts were composed to record that revolt; what survives is all in Greek. II Maccabees was actually composed in Greek originally, and it is merely the abridgment of a longer work, by one Jason of Cyrene, who had taken a Greek name and wrote in Greek. Judea lay off the beaten track for the main road between Egypt and Syria ran along the coast to the west of the Judean Hills. Few people from outside, besides merchants and the occasional sportsman looking for game (for the evidence, see below), ventured up into those hills. Yet the influence of Greek culture and Greek language was very real in Judea; and that will have been the case throughout Syria and Asia Minor - as well as in Iran as long as the Seleucids held it.

Hellenization, however, had its limits. Indigenous languages, as indicated above, held their ground and the introduction of Greek sports and fashions in Judea, for example, raised the hackles of many who then pushed back hard. Greek visitors, moreover, sometimes received firm instruction in matters on which the “natives” would not compromise. To remain with Judea, Greeks wishing to see the Temple precinct in Jerusalem could read a sign (Jos. Ant. XII

3,4 [145-146]) which explained, among other things, that they could not have on their persons body parts of horse, ass, or mule; and leopard, fox, or hare. The list of animals is instructive in that it indicates what sort of people were entering Jerusalem from the outside world. The animals of transport are unexceptional, since any visitor might be using them; but leopard, fox, and hare are animals of the chase. The concrete problem which the “natives” faced was sportsmen who had been out coursing hares and who, since they were in the Judean hills anyway, came into Jerusalem to see the sights.