Geographical mobility both of large population groups and of individuals was extremely widespread from early times among Greek communities, as across the Mediterranean and the Near East generally. As Greek states developed regulations to deal with questions of citizenship and identity, they must have devised mechanisms to distinguish their citizens (politai), who typically had monopoly rights to ownership of land and to the polls’ decision-making bodies, from slaves and serf-like groups like the helots, on the one hand, and from free outsiders (xenoi - which may designate ‘guest-friends’, or more generally ‘foreigners’) who (unlike slaves) chose to reside in the city, on the other. Two alternative strategies are neatly identified, a propos of two neighbouring cities on the Dalmatian coast, by the second to third-century ce writer Ailianos: ‘They say that the Apollonians practice foreigner-expulsions (xenelasiai) in the Spartan fashion, whereas the Epidamnians leave it open to anyone who wishes to visit and to become metics’ (Ailianos Varia Historia 13.16). At one extreme, Sparta, and perhaps a very few other cities, chose a cautious and restrictive policy, not normally welcoming settlers and occasionally indulging in ‘foreigner-expulsions’ see, e. g., Thuc. 2.39; Xenophon Lak. Pol. 14); again we cannot say whether this was a long tradition, or began only with the pressures of the Peloponnesian War, nor how frequent they were. At the other, Athens and probably a great many other cities gradually developed formal arrangements for the registration and organization of their resident foreigners. Each state which decided to create such a status-group - they were usually called metics (metoikoi) - had to determine how long a period of temporary residence was permitted before registration was required - something like a month or so may have been standard: a statement attributed to the Alexandrian scholar Aristophanes of Byzantion (F 303-5 Slater) speaks of it being a question of ‘how many days’ before a visitor had to register; a fifth-century decree from Lokris recording an agreement between the cities of Chaleion and Oiantheia stipulates a month before a citizen of each state staying in the other becomes subject to the laws of that state, Tod 34; for Athens, cf. the exemption from the need to register as metics and pay the tax offered to Sidonians, in IG 22 141 = R&O 21. Then they had to decide whether to create a separate status with differentiated rights and obligations for ex-slaves - Athens chose not to take that route but to merge the categories, but many other states probably decided differently (see Aristotle’s general assumption of different categories at Politics 1277b33-1378a2, and an example from the island of Keos at IG 12 5.647). Third, they might choose to require metics to be registered with a citizen as their official representative - at Athens he was called a prostates, and in the case of ex-slaves these would normally be their last masters, for whom they might well be required to perform continuing services. Finally they might levy extra taxes and obligations on them, and/or offer them privileges. Athens imposed a poll tax at the relatively low rate of one drachma a month (half for females), which none the less had significant symbolic value in distinguishing metics from citizens; metics were expected to serve in the armed forces at the level appropriate to their wealth, and to contribute to the property taxes and some of the lesser festival ‘liturgies’ ( leitourgiai), which were expected of the wealthier citizens and involved expenditure of money, time and effort in the running of many of the state festivals, such as the drama. General statements in late lexicographers, and some documents in relation to a few states, suggest that many of these elements were added fairly regularly (Aristophanes of Byzantion F 303-5 Slater; Xenophon Hellenika 1.2.10 (Ephesos); IG 12 5.647, Keos) but only Athens allows any detailed discussion ofeconomic and social relations (for Athens, Whitehead 1977; Patterson 2000; for other states, Whitehead 1984).
The standard view is that Athenian institutions maintained in principle the strict political and legal distinctions between citizens (normally called politai, or sometimes astoi when distinguished from xenoi, foreigners) and metics; though there were constant fears that metics were gaining access illicitly to the deme lists by bribery and collusion with citizens, and occasionally revisions of the lists were ordered. Cohen (2000: ch. 2) has recently argued that deme lists routinely came to include both citizens by descent and some long-term well-established metics, and that the term astoi, as distinct from politai, came to include both these categories; but this view is not, I think, supported by the texts he cites in support (e. g., Pseudo-Xenophon Ath. Pol. 1.12; Lysias 12.35; Xenophon Poroi 2.2), and ignores the continuing concerns at the illicit infiltration by such established metics. Cohen is right, however, to argue that there were increasing business, social and associative connections between citizens and metics, some of which would be situated in a deme (on banking connections, see also Shipton 1997), and one may suggest that these often formed the basis for metics’ attempts illegally to infiltrate themselves or their kin into deme membership.
Athenian attitudes towards metics and other foreigners were contradictory, and the balance struck between the poles of welcoming approval and suspicious hostility fluctuated, partly no doubt in response to political events and social perceptions (e. g., Whitehead 1977; Patterson 2000). Positively, Athenians were conscious of the contributions metics made to the economy and to community life, and of the importance of winning the support and loyalty of foreign rulers and other influential figures; they offered citizenship and other honours to those whose benefactions and displays of their proper ambition (philotimia) were thought to merit it, however unlikely they were to be used in practice in the case of foreign dignitaries: see, e. g., Demosthenes 20, 23, Pseudo-Demosthenes 59.88-107, and the many inscriptions at least from c. 350 onwards proclaiming the importance of the practice to encourage others (e. g., IG 22 222, stating that a grant of citizenship be awarded so that ‘everyone should know that the Athenian people renders large-scale returns to its benefactors’). Metics might be rewarded for exceptional performances (usually involving large-scale financial contributions) by a range of honours, such as paying taxes and military service on a par with citizens, the right to own house and land (see Pecirka 1966), and culminating in citizenship itself. From the documentary and literary evidence for grants of citizenship (see Osborne 1981-3), it emerges that such grants were relatively rare in the fifth century, but increased somewhat in the difficult years of the Peloponnesian War (including the mass enfranchisement of the Samians in 405). At the restoration of democracy in 403, (probably) close to 100 foreigners and metics who had fought with Thrasyboulos to restore the democracy were rewarded with citizenship, while many more hundreds (including many slaves) were merely granted equality of taxation (see the difficult document, IG 22 10 + 2403; Krentz 1980; R&O 4); there then seems to have been an increase in grants from c. 370 on, especially to foreign kings or tyrants and their supporters (commented on by Demosthenes 23.199-203), and - especially perhaps in the Lykourgan period - a growth in grants to metic bankers and other business men. In general bankers, often ex-slaves, seem to have been the metics who found it easiest to accumulate resources and donate enough of them to the city, and perhaps to make helpful social contacts, to overcome opposition to their crossing the citizenship barrier (Davies 1981: 64-6; Shipton 1997).
In about 355 the elderly Xenophon included in his pamphlet on increasing Athenian revenues some recommendations to induce more metics - and especially rich ones - to settle in Athens and more foreigners to trade there (Xenophon Poroi 2 and 3);
The text too reveals an ambiguous attitude (Whitehead 1977: 125-9). Positively, he suggests removing some dishonouring restrictions on the metics (perhaps the obligation to have a prostates, or some other restrictions); allowing (rich) metics to serve in the Athenian cavalry; making it easier for metics to buy plots of land inside the urbanized area of Athens and the Piraeus on which to build houses (but not extended to the purchase of farming land); and instituting a board of magistrates charged with looking after the metics’ interests (but he doesn’t indicate their functions). On the other hand, he reveals a concern that now many metics are ‘barbarians’ from the ‘softer’ parts of the Persian Empire (Lydians, Syrians and Phrygians), and recommends that they be excluded from the hoplite infantry. It is not clear whether he supposes increased immigration into Athens from those regions in particular, or (more probably) an increase in manumitted ex-slaves; either way the remark reveals the persistence of the ideological belief in the inferiority of barbarians/non-Greeks which was the fundamental basis of Greek slavery.
The classic instance of upward mobility, though rare in its extent, was the banking family of Pasion. He began as a slave working his way up to be the trusted manager of the money changing and banking firm of Antisthenes and Archestratos; by the 390s he was manumitted and as a metic was left in control of the business; and by the 380s he had contributed enough in naval liturgies and lavish gifts of shields and naval equipment so that he (and his descendants) were given citizenship, with the sponsorship of a citizen, Pythodoros, who acted as his agent (Davies 1971: 427-31). He then built up his banking, shield-making and property businesses to become one of the richest Athenians, maintaining financial and social connections with figures like the general Timotheos and the politician Kallistratos (see Apollodoros’ speech against Timotheos, Pseudo-Demosthenes 49). His son Apollodoros built on these foundations to become a politician himself, and he is well known to us from a series of law court speeches which (though ascribed to Demosthenes) he composed himself (see Trevett 1992). We find him engaged in bitter disputes with his younger brother Pasikles and his father’s slave manager Phormion, to whom Pasion leased the businesses at his death and bequeathed his widow Archippe as wife. This act, apparently common among bankers, reveals a contradiction in the law, of which this bequest took advantage: there was no mechanism whereby Archippe, the slave wife of a slave granted citizenship, could herself be recognized as a woman of citizen status and she was left in an anomalous status. If she had been now reckoned of citizen family, she should not have been permitted to marry Phormion, now a metic, but if she were reckoned as a metic woman, she should not have received as she did the substantial property of a boarding house which Pasion left her (Whitehead 1986b; Cohen 1992: 102-6). Phormion followed Pasion along the path to citizenship, while Apollodoros ended up with a good share of Pasion’s very rich estate. His speeches reveal well his consciousness of his ambiguous position in Athenian society, a continuing preoccupation with citizenship issues, and a vulnerable, yet vindictive, temperament. In his attacks on Phormion and on his own mother and brother, he claims to have been deeply insulted by this misalliance between a barbarian slave and his former owner, whom he allegedly seduced and then married; Apollodoros even insinuates that Phor-mion had fathered his younger brother Pasikles during Pasion’s lifetime. In all this, he chose to overlook that Archippe too had been a slave (Demosthenes 45.71-84 - a speech probably written for Apollodoros by Demosthenes, but reflecting Apollodoros’ anger at losing the first trial). He tried to be more Athenian than the Athenian elite he consorted with, enjoying a lavish life-style, building credit with the people through a generous performance of liturgies, pursuing quarrels and feuds in the law courts, and as he admits himself incurring some unpopularity among other members of the elite by his fast walk and loud mouth (Demosthenes 45.77). So ostentatious was his overspending on his trierarchies that he made life problematic for other trierarchs: he reports how one of them mocked his pretensions with the phrase ‘The mouse has tasted pitch - he did want to be an Athenian’ (Pseudo-Demosthenes 50.26-7).
The latest of Apollodoros’ speeches to survive constitutes an impassioned defence of Athens’ citizenship laws, though his main purpose was to gain revenge on a political and personal enemy (Pseudo-Demosthenes 59 (Against Neaira)). He and his brother-in-law Theomnestos prosecuted Neaira, a notorious, now middle-aged, prostitute, whose career had begun as a very young slave in a high-class brothel in Korinth. She was then owned by and lived with two men from Korinth and Leukas, who set her free when they were getting married; after being briefly kept by Phrynion, a prominent Athenian, she lived for a long time with a minor politician called Stephanos. The alleged offence is that Stephanos, a citizen, and Neaira, a foreign prostitute, have been living as if they were legitimately married, for which the ‘proof’ is that ‘their’ three sons have been enrolled as citizens, and ‘their daughter’ Phano has been twice married to citizens as a woman of citizen family; if convicted (as usual we do not know the result), Stephanos would be fined 1,000 drachmas, and Neaira returned to slavery. The case hinged not on the status ofNeaira as a foreign prostitute and long-term partner of Stephanos, both of which seem undeniable, but on whether she was in fact the mother of any of these children, or whether they were the legitimate offspring of Stephanos’ now deceased wife. The Areopagos Council had apparently already investigated the possibility that Phano had committed impiety when she had performed sacred Dionysiac rituals on behalf of the city, as the wife of her second husband who was the King-Archon that year, and they seem to have found it difficult to decide whether Phano was indeed Neaira’s daughter. Allegedly they felt there was sufficient doubt about her religious suitability - perhaps merely because she had been married before - to require the rituals to be performed again, and her marriage to Theagenes to be dissolved, but were not so certain that serious sacrilege had taken place that they imposed further penalties (see Kapparis 1999: 351-3; Hamel 2003: 102-13; but also the doubts about the whole episode in Carey 1992: 126-8). Apollodoros devotes the climax of his speech to the importance of protecting the principles of the citizenship laws, for the sake of the gods, the laws and the honour of citizens and their women. He adopts the pose of a new citizen who has fully immersed himself in the history of his city, including enfranchisements of the past (the Plataians in 427); and at the same time assumes the tone of a well-off man of the world who can proclaim that ‘we’ (i. e., he and the jury) have the leisure to pursue pleasure and physical comforts with other women, hetairai and pallakai, while reserving for the wives the honoured functions of producing legitimate children and safeguarding the households; this privileged position must not be endangered by the jury’s toleration of the infiltration of illegitimate children such as Neaira’s daughter (Pseudo-Demosthenes 59.107-26).
This speech was delivered sometime between 347 and 340. During 346/5 the Athenians carried through, in all the demes, a complete revision of their citizenship lists; apparently a fair number of alleged infiltrators were expelled, under a procedure where a condemnatory vote in a deme assembly might lead to an appeal heard in the courts (see Demosthenes 57 passim; Isaios 12; Aischines 1.77-8, 114-15). Evidently there was a widespread perception that many illegitimate or non-Athenian children had been admitted onto the deme lists, whether sons of male citizens and their mistresses, or the result of liaisons between poor Athenian males and daughters of richer metics. Apollodoros’ speech was evidently trying to tap into the same fears and prejudice whether it preceded the scrutiny or followed it. We cannot easily determine whether most of those expelled were properly expelled, or whether the operations of Demophilos’ law merely offered opportunities for score settling between enemies inside the demes (see Davies 1978; Whitehead 1986a: 99-109; Connor 1994). One may note that mid-fourth-century comedy could make jokes about the easy mobility from slavery to citizenship:
There is no city anywhere, my dear chap, made up of slaves,
But Fortune shifts their bodies around in all directions.
Nowadays many people are not free men
But tomorrow they’ll be registered Sounians, and the next day They’ll make full use of the agora. A daimon steers the helm For every man.
(Anaxandrides F 4 Kassel & Austin = Athenaios 262C)
In theoretical mode, Aristotle, writing not much later, held that in cities with large populations ‘it is easy for foreigners and metics to acquire citizenship, as because of the size of the population it is not difficult to escape detection’ (Aristotle Politics 1326b21-6). Given that citizens came into regular close contact with metics (including freedmen), it would not be surprising if a good few citizens were tempted to gain a financial or social advantage by helping non-Athenians to infiltrate the deme lists.
Citizens, metics and foreigners made complex financial deals with each other in the worlds of overseas and retail trade and in banking, and even ordinary peasant farmers would be likely to be involved to some extent in market operations with metics and foreigners (see Cohen 1992; 2000: 104-29). Metics and foreign visitors could train at the gymnasia and wrestling grounds which were the major daytime social settings, compete in the open events at the Panathenaic games, and participate in Panathenaic processions; and they could engage in less formal interactions at the many local and city festivals, though there were dangers of malicious scams for unsuspecting foreign visitors (e. g., Aischines 1. 43-8, with Fisher 2001 ad loc.; Cohen 2000: 171-7). The protocols of sexual relations are unsurprisingly complex. Slaves of both sexes were naturally subject to sexual abuse (though moral norms advised restraint at flaunting this before one’s wife), but were themselves forbidden by law from actively pursuing free youths, as they were from training with free men in the gymnasia (Aischines 1.138-9; Plutarch Solon 1.34; Golden 1984). Athenians, as Apollodoros proclaimed in his man of the world mode, often engaged in sexual acts or relationships with foreign women or boys, as with slaves. Seducing respectable citizen girls or married women might be very dangerous, and affairs with citizen youths which could be represented as based on the exchange of money or lavish gifts and maintenance for sex could bring disrepute, and a possible serious charge for the youth if he later sought to enter active political life (Aischines 1 passim, with, e. g., Fisher 2001). Hence casual sex or affairs with prostitutes or hetairai might be officially encouraged, as Aischines at the end of his prosecution of Timarchos asks the jury to give this message to those citizens - probably many - who liked to engage in sex with young men or boys (without being classifiable as ‘homosexuals’ in our sense): ‘tell those who are the hunters of such young men as are easily caught to turn themselves to the foreigners and the metics, so that they may not be deprived of their inclination, but you citizens are not harmed’ (Aischines 1.195).
A final example of citizen-metic co-operation which turned sour, as well as of the continued popularity of appeals in the courts to xenophobia and racial prejudice against non-Greek metics, is provided by what remains of Hypereides’ law court speech Against Athenogenes (c. 330-324); the prosecution story presented by the cunning speechwriter is that the speaker was an honest if foolish citizen farmer who was persuaded to enter into a contract to buy a small perfume business, with three slaves, an adult and two boys, from Athenogenes, a ‘speechwriter, market operator and worst of all an Egyptian’. The allegation is presumably that Athenogenes, who has a perfectly Greek name, moved to Athens from Egypt, and has at least some nonGreek blood; Greeks had been settled in Egypt, e. g. at Naukratis, for centuries, and the truth of the slur cannot be assessed by us. The speaker’s main interest was in acquiring a monopoly of the sexual services of one of the slave boys; but in his eagerness, he failed to discover in time that the perfume business came with undeclared debts; the deal was partially engineered through the deceptions of Antigona, ‘the cleverest hetaira of her generation’, now a brothel keeper and Athenogenes’ lover and partner-in-crime. The speaker is now prosecuting (with what success as usual we do not know) Athenogenes for the damages incurred, on the grounds that he, a clever, devious and cowardly ‘Egyptian’, had tricked the speaker into an unfair deal (Patterson 2000: 105-9; Cohen 2002: 106-7). On the other hand, evidence of tolerance and encouragement of foreign groups - even an Egyptian group - can be found in this period. Not only are many foreign and metic traders and politicians given honours and privileges under the guidance of Lykourgos, the leading politician in Athens, but he had also had a law passed granting to the community of merchants from Kition in Cyprus the right to buy a plot of land for a sanctuary to Aphrodite, and cited as a precedent the previous grant given to the Egyptian community for their temple to Isis (IG 22 337 = R&O 91). Such communities evidently met together to honour their chosen deity and to reinforce solidarity through regular meetings and shared eating and drinking. Much epigraphic evidence demonstrates that there were in Athens and elsewhere a steadily increasing number and variety of voluntary groups or associations (typically called thiasoi, eranoi or groups of orgeones) which defined themselves usually in relation to some cult, managed themselves along the model of the democratic state and its official subgroups with their assemblies and elected officials, owned (and might lease out) their properties and buildings, met regularly, and might raise loans to assist their members in trouble (e. g., Parker 1996: 328-42; Jones 1999; Arnaoutoglou 2003). The membership of these associations was in most cases citizen and male, but there is evidence that occasionally women participated in the social activities, and that membership might include foreigners and metics; exclusively foreign clubs are also attested in small numbers from the later fifth century (especially honouring the Thracian goddess Bendis), but increased in the Hellenistic period. In general, then, these associations gave new and important social identities and sociability to large numbers of ordinary inhabitants of Athens, and contributed a good deal to social integration between citizens and non-citizens.
Further reading
A useful sourcebook on ancient slavery is Thomas Wiedeman’s (1981; repr. 1992) Greek and Roman slavery. For the general study of ancient slavery and its effects on Greek ideology in general, with a strong comparative perspective, fundamental are Finley (1980, newed. 1998) and papers in Finley (1968); de Ste. Croix (1981); and Patterson (1982; 1991). General accounts of Greek slavery are provided by Garlan (1988) and (briefer) Fisher (1993). On Sparta and the helots, the many debates can be followed in Cartledge (2001), and his collected papers, Cartledge (2002); Ducat (1990); Hodkin-son (2000); and various papers in Powell (1989), Powell & Hodkinson (1994), Hod-kinson & Powell (1999; 2002), Luraghi & Alcock (2003). For slaves in Greek warfare, Hunt (1998) and van Wees (1995; 2001; 2004); for the roles of slaves in Athenian agriculture, Jameson (1978), Gallant (1991), Sallares (1991), and papers in Wells (1992); in manufacture, business, banking and trade: Hopper (1979), Osborne (1985), Millett (1991), Cohen (1992), papers in Cartledge et. al. (2002); on various legal and ideological issues, Todd (1993), Cartledge (1993a; 1993b), Osborne (1995), Fisher (1995), Garnsey (1996), Gagarin (1996), Cohen (2000; 2002). On the laws and attitudes relating to foreigners and metics in Athenian society, fundamental is Whitehead (1977), and for other Greek cities, Whitehead (1984); on material on grants of citizenship and other privileges to metics and foreigners, see above all Osborne (1981-3) and further discussions of the legal and social issues in Boegehold & Scafuro (1994), Cohen (2000), Hunter & Edmondson (2000).
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