The marked political and socio-economic separation between ruling and rural classes is also attested in Syrian and Levantine culture. The material culture of Late Bronze Age Syria and the Levant, visible in the most popular products of the time, shows a marked decline in quality in comparison to the Middle Bronze Age. It is probable that rural settlements and modest residences experienced an overall process of impoverishment. On the contrary, royal palaces and elite residences show the highest concentration of wealth ever attested in the Near East. If the Levantine palaces were not comparable to the abodes of the other Near Eastern great kings in terms of size, wealth and grandeur, they could be compared to the latter in terms of quality. Local palace craftsmanship was highly desirable and appreciated by foreign great kings, who tried to acquire it in the form of tributes or gifts.
The cultural heart of the palaces was the scribal school, which was responsible for the administration and organisation of archives. Syllabic cuneiform continued to be the most popular type of writing not only for diplomatic correspondence, but also for internal administrative and legal texts. Knowledge of Akkadian was not well developed and locally adapted in smaller marginal centres. However, it was of a very high standard in the great centres in the north, which could count on a long tradition and a rich and established scribal style. In the royal palace of Ugarit, as well as the private archives belonging to important members of the scribal and priestly elite, a good apparatus of scholastic instruments and literary texts has been found.
Babylonian epic and mythological texts became part of the local culture, especially when they were relevant to Syria, such as in the case of the deeds of Gilgamesh or Sargon (which even managed to reach Amarna). Local scribal circles also took on the values and texts of the scribal culture of Kassite Babylonia. Texts like the ‘Poem of the Righteous Sufferer’ and other texts concerned with human nature and social relations not only appeared in Syria and the Levant in their original versions, but also had a significant influence on the local writing style, especially in letters (such as the ones of Rib-Adda).
From a technical point of view, the usual diffusion of bilingual and multilingual word lists significantly increased. These texts combined the knowledge of learned languages (that is, Akkadian and Sumerian) belonging to the scribal circles with local languages (Hurrian and Canaanite). This increase was due to the intense inter-state relations of the time and the influence of foreign rule over these states. For instance, the Ugarit archives have provided texts written in a large variety of scripts and languages, giving us an idea of all the languages and scripts existing at the time. There were texts written in Akkadian and Sumerian, in Hurrian and Ugaritic (the local language), texts written in Luwian hieroglyphs, Hittite cuneiform, Egyptian hieroglyphs and the Cypro-Minoan script.
The coexistence of so many languages and scripts could have promoted the development of new scripts. Some of them, like the Middle Bronze Age hieroglyphics from Byblos, developed along traditional lines. However, Late Bronze Age Syria and the Levant also constitute the first areas where something far more innovative appeared, namely, alphabetic scripts. All previous writing systems had been a mixture of syllabic and logographic signs (such as cuneiform) or hieroglyphic signs (such as Egyptian or similar writing systems). The Egyptian system already had some monoconsonantal signs, which could have formed the basis for a writing system that was purely consonantal, and thus alphabetic. Alphabetic writing was what scripts such as the Proto-Sinaitic and Proto-Canaanite were trying to achieve, and what Ugaritic eventually achieved.
The Ugaritic script was the only example of the official use of an alphabetic writing system. In fact, it was employed in administrative and literary texts, as well as for the description of local rituals. Since Ugarit was not used to separate language from script these rituals could not be written in Sumerian and Akkadian. In all other cases, the Babylonian scribal tradition relegated alphabetic scripts to marginal areas, allowing their use only outside the palace administration. Only after the decline of the palaces’ scribal schools, alphabetic writing would eventually spread and become more popular.
The decision of Ugarit’s scribes to use an alphabetic script to record the local literary tradition has allowed the survival of rare and interesting sources. These texts were copied in the mid-fourteenth century bc. They could have been written earlier, as usual in the case of mythical and religious texts whose authority was centred on their long-standing tradition. However, some elements found in these literary texts clearly belong to the Late Bronze Age. For instance, the poem of Keret is the story of a legendary king of Ugarit who obeyed the orders the gods gave him in a dream and set out on a journey to find and marry a princess. Keret would eventually succeed in his quest, but only after overcoming several obstacles, even his own son’s attempt to remove him from the throne. The happy ending of the story is typical of a fairy-tale. However, its underlying ideology of kingship is typical of the Late Bronze Age, with its religious connotations closely linked to the heroic and adventurous ideals of the time.
The legendary adventure of Keret is remarkably similar to the real story of Idrimi. The narration of the latter’s adventure also follows the structure of a tale, being the young prince who had to endure an injustice, but had the ambition and talent to regain his throne. In this way, he not only proved his valour and overcame all adversities until his authority was recognised by the great king, but also defeated his enemies, reconstructed his palace, and reinforced his kingdom. However, while Keret’s epic constituted a foundation myth for Ugaritic kingship ideology, Idrimi’s tale is a usurper’s apology, aimed at presenting the latter in a better light in the eyes of the population.
In another text written shortly afterwards in Egypt, a similar story became an opportunity to describe the exotic world of Syria and Mitanni. The story tells of an Egyptian prince who sets out with his chariot and horses (the fundamental equipment for any princely adventure) to find a princess living far away. The prince naturally had to overcome all sorts of difficulties and to face a prophecy regarding his death. These heroic stories, closely linked to the ideology of kingship of the time, clearly travelled from court to court. Their influence can be traced not only in Syrian inscriptions, but also in Hittite historical texts and Egyptian royal inscriptions.
Another Ugaritic poem, the Aqhat Epic, was also centred on characters from the royal family and issues of descendancy. Despite being more difficult to place in a specific historical context or to compare to other similar ‘true’ stories (such as Idrimi’s story), the Aqhat Epic shares the adventurous and fairy-tale tone of Keret’s story. They almost seem like stories written and narrated to entertain the court, where hunting, wars, bows and chariots, as well as faraway princesses, were real topics. By now, these stories lacked any religious connotations.
However, clear religious connotations can be found in other Ugaritic poems, centred on the god Baal. There was his battle against Mot, namely, Death, which alludes to the alternation between a season of death and a season of life. This was a crucial aspect in the agro-pastoral religion of the time. Then, there was
Baal’s battle against Yam, the Sea, which alludes to the cosmologic idea of the chaotic sea surrounding the world. Finally, there were the story of the reconstruction of Baal’s temple and other religious stories, some of which were also used during religious festivals (one of these stories even dedicates some sections on this aspect). A similar picture is attested in the iconography of the time, which was largely religious, but also related to hunting and wars. This type of iconography was centred on the figure of the king on his chariot, throwing arrows against enemies or wild animals, while his horses galloped in a quite idealised way. This
Figure 19.6 Royal seals of Carchemish in the thirteenth century bc. 1: Seal of Shahurunuwa; 2—5: Four seals of Ini-Teshub; 6: Seal of Talmi-Teshub; 7: Seal of Kuzi-Teshub.
Iconography would eventually be copied from the Aegean to Egypt. However, it was originally developed in Syria, at the time when the use of chariots and horses became an essential requirement of kingship.
Apart from its iconography, Levantine craftsmanship of the Late Bronze Age was also renowned for its refinement. Some of it is lost forever, such as the multi-coloured fabrics, woven or embroidered with typical iconographic motifs, which we can make out from some Egyptian depictions. Other objects have survived and are well known, such as carved ivories. These developed in the Early Bronze Age (the Eblaite carved wood figurines), but were now revived thanks to the Egyptian influence in the area. Then, there were metal cups decorated with hunting and war scenes. Fabrics, worked metals, coloured glass, jewellery and carved wooden and ivory figurines were typical products of the high-end craftsmanship of the Syrian courts. They appear in the inventories of gifts, dowries, tributes and booties, as products that the intense exchange of goods made internationally renowned, but were originally from the Levant.
Alongside the circulation of goods, there was also a circulation of craftsmen, which led to the diffusion of several iconographic motifs, styles, techniques and prized raw materials. This makes a reconstruction of the exact origins of certain objects difficult. Despite some superficial assessments of Syrian art as lacking originality, one has to concede that this prestigious type of craftsmanship combined a wide range of influences. The latter were greatly facilitated by the commercial and political scene of the period. For instance, carved ivory was an Egyptian influence, especially since ivory came from Egypt (Figure 19.6).
In terms of Syro-Hittite seals, the kings and functionaries of Carchemish began to use stamp seals, originally from Anatolia, as well as cylinder seals, typical of northern Syria (Figure 19.7), and Luwian hieroglyphs as well as cuneiform in their inscriptions. Moreover, the local iconography started to include both Syrian and Anatolian elements. However, influences roughly stayed within their political borders: the south and the Mediterranean coast had strong Egyptian influences; northern and Central Syria was much more influenced by Hittite culture. This division would survive even after the fall of the great powers that created it.
Apart from external influences on local art, Syria and the Levant also influenced neighbouring kingdoms. The most obvious example of this is the art of New Kingdom Egypt, which had a strong Syro-Levantine influence in its iconography, the structure of the scenes, and the choice of backgrounds, landscapes and settings. This taste for the exotic, along with the appreciation of non-Egyptian styles and products, became an integral part of the decorative arts of the time, of official celebratory reliefs and even temple architecture. Similarly, Egyptian literature and language were heavily influenced by Syria. This aspect is also visible in the spread of Near Eastern cults, especially in the Delta.
World History
