The Thebaid is a meditation primarily on the theme of power. The subject chosen by Statius was an ideal vehicle for an exploration on this topic. Virtually every event in the epic is related in some way to the unfavorable aspects of the exercise of power on the supernatural and monarchal levels. Prominent is the issue of its pursuit and abuse, the consequent suffering and impotence of its victims. Scholars in the twentieth century tended to shape their view of the Thebaid according to the Judeo-Christian concept of retribution and guilt, which is usually based on Jupiter's opening, programmatic speech asserting that human criminality demands divine retribution (Theb. 1.214-47). But there is little evidence to sustain such an interpretation since the crimes cited by him (esp. in 227-47) were either committed unintentionally, or were motivated primarily by the supernatural powers, or had already been avenged.
Use and abuse of supernatural power
The Thebaid is a tale of the supernaturally engineered annihilation of humanity. The divine apparatus of the Thebaid underpins its thematic structure, as the destructive impact upon mankind of its relationship with the gods is the focus of the entire epic. Abuse of supernatural power is the predominant, pervasive motif in the Thebaid. The numerous cruel and unjust actions of the higher powers bear testimony, as does their frequent lack of compassion and concern for humanity. Although the gods occasionally take a fleeting interest in the misfortune of a favorite person or express a selfish - if mostly justifiable - concern over the fate of a special city, their attitude toward the human race is generally one of hostility or indifference. Through their actions the various supernatural powers are instrumental in inciting humanity to violence and bloodshed. Without their frequent harmful interventions, especially those of Jupiter, Pluto, and the Furies, the motivation for much of the human action in the Thebaid would be lacking. Jupiter plays the critical motivating role in the epic since his stated purpose in instigating the conflict between the Thebans and Argives is the destruction of the Theban and Argive races and almost every major incident of the poem works toward this end. The fulfillment of his decrees ( Theb. 1.214-47, 3.229-52, 7.6-33) and those of his brother Pluto (8.34-79) demands the death and suffering of countless innocent victims, who are caught up in a tragic war incited primarily by malevolent supernatural forces. Mankind’s subsequent irrational and impious conduct is often shown to be inspired by divine powers who are essentially antagonistic to the human race and are shown propelling it headlong toward destruction.
Olympians such as Juno (e. g., Theb. 10.131), Venus (e. g., 5.157-8), Apollo (e. g., 1.596-604, 627-33), Diana (e. g., 9.665-7), and Bacchus (cf., e. g., 7.211-14) are shown on many occasions inspiring various human figures to commit hideous crimes or contriving to create a situation favorable to the perpetration of inhuman deeds. Mars, one ofthe most frightening deities in the Thebaid, is shown on numerous occasions destroying nations or inflaming people to violence (e. g., 3.577-93, 7.131-9, 8.383-7), but Tisi-phone and Megaera are portrayed directly as imposing their will on various human figures more frequently than any of the other supernatural powers in the main narrative. These incidents include conspiring to prompt Oedipus’ curse on his sons (cf. 1.51-2), setting upon Eteocles and Polynices and infusing them with jealousy and hatred of each other and an insatiable lust for power (1.123-30, 7.466-7), and bringing about the fratricide of Polynices and Eteocles by influencing their actions (11.150-4, 197-209, 383-92). These and other scenes attest to the general powerlessness of mankind and its lack of free will in a world dominated by malevolent and uncaring deities. The concentration of Statius in the battle narrative (7.632-11.572) upon the Seven, whose destructive behavior is divinely motivated and whose deaths - with the exception of those of Tydeus and of course Adrastus, who survives the war - can be attributed to the harmful intervention of the gods, bears testimony to the ultimate futility of human life in the face of overwhelming supernatural opposition. The Thebaid depicts a hostile universe in which the innocent are likely to become the victims of supernatural vindictiveness just as much as the flagitious.
Use and abuse of monarehal power
The attitude of Statius toward the institution of monarchy is unequivocal even though the motivation for the actions of monarchs in the Thebaid is usually attributable to the harmful intervention of supernatural powers. The picture of monarchy that emerges from the Thebaid is predominantly negative despite the generally favorable portrait of Adrastus and the ambiguous presentation of Theseus. This negative impression is based mostly upon the conduct of Eteocles and Creon, with occasional references to actions of previous monarchs such as Oedipus and Laius. A cruel and oppressive institution, monarchy inflicts widespread and long-standing suffering upon subjects who are largely innocent of any wrongdoing. Major episodes (Theb. 1.164-95, 2.384-3.113, 10.268-314, 11.648-761) - the first two accompanied by a suitable apostrophe or editorial comment (1.165-8, 3.99-113) - exemplify his hostile attitude toward the inevitable tyranny of monarchy. In each scene words of reproach directed at the reigning monarch by one of his subjects represent the hostility of the populace toward their ruler. A vivid picture of the lust for nuda potestas (‘‘raw power,’’ 1.150) and its destructive consequences is framed around the claim of Polynices to the throne and determination of Eteocles to maintain sovereignty over Thebes. The debasement of the brothers results from Polynices’ insatiable quest for monarchal power (see 1.314-23, 2.307-21, 4.88-9) and Eteocles’ abuse of his position and desire to retain the throne (cf. 2.399). This picture of a corrupt monarchy extends to Eteocles’ predecessors and successor. The actions of Oedipus, Laius, and Creon are consistent with the pattern of monarchal cruelty established over successive generations of rule in Thebes.
The actions of Adrastus and Theseus do not on the surface conform to this pattern of tyrannical monarchy. But the monarchs are not immune from destructive influences. Statius occasionally emphasizes the benevolence, piety, and self-restraint of Adrastus as well as the civilizing role of Theseus, but overall this plays a relatively minor part in the presentation of institutional monarchy in the poem. In fact Statius extends his despairing picture of institutional monarchy to include the actions of these seemingly just and benevolent regents; for not even they are untainted by the madness that afflicts participants in war. Adrastus ignores omens that portend disaster for Argos by warring against Thebes (cf. Theb. 3.456-8, 499-551, 619-47) and enthusiastically sanctions the cowardly nocturnal attack on the Theban camp in which the victims are mercilessly slain while sleeping (10.227-44, esp. 236-44, 266-8). Theseus shows a similar eagerness for the slaughter of war (12.595). When the Athenians mow down the helpless Thebans on the battlefield, Theseus is at the forefront of the conflict and wreaks destruction among the Thebans on the battlefield. The Athenian monarch easily slays a multitude of Theban warriors (741-51), including Creon, whom he dispatches quickly without showing even a trace of mercy (768-82). The question of whether Theseus’ alleged purpose of ensuring the burial of the Argive corpses justifies the violent means of its attainment raises questions similar to those on the necessity of Aeneas’ slaying of Turnus at the end of the Aeneid. Perhaps Theseus’ action is justified (cf. 12.711-14, esp. 714), but his conduct compares unfavorably with the behavior of Virgil’s Aeneas, who at least pauses briefly and gives some thought to sparing Turnus before dispatching him in a blind rage (Aen. 12.928-52, esp. 946, 951).
Consequences of the abuse of power
The Thebaid is a compelling statement of the horrifying and sorrowful consequences of the imprudent pursuit and exercise of power. Its opening words - fraternas acies (‘‘fraternal strife’’, Theb. 1.1) - allude to what is to Statius the worst kind of human violence: that which is directed against one’s own flesh and blood. Statius moves in reaction to warfare and its horrors; his abhorrence of war is suggested in the violent atmosphere, gory descriptions, and tragic results of the fighting. The mass destruction and suffering caused by the fighting that takes place in the poem is evidence of the futility of war, since virtually no one emerges unscathed from its devastating effects and little seems to be achieved. The pathetic effect of the lament scenes contributes greatly to the overall impression of despair and ruination that pervades the narrative. The tragic consequences of war are evident in the deaths of men of all ages and from every walk of life; the women, children, elderly, and infirm are left only to vent their grief and bear their losses. Fittingly, the epic narrative ends with the depiction of the intense grief of war’s survivors (788-807), thus giving final emphasis to the ultimate futility of human violence and bloodshed.
Statius goes to considerable lengths to establish a consistent picture of the weakness and suffering of the human race in an oppressive universe. The Thebans and Argives are largely portrayed as the helpless victims of a war instigated by Jupiter (e. g., Theb. 1.241-6; cf. 1.224-5, 3.248-51) to destroy their races. The imposition of divine will upon humanity is seen consistently to be the major factor behind the weak and helpless state of mankind and the inability of mankind to control its own destiny. Dante, who valued the companionship of Statius on his spiritual journey and admired his moral framework, believed him to have been a Christian (Purgatorio 22.73, 89-90), perhaps because the Thebaid reveals an obvious sympathy for the lot of mankind and sensitivity to human suffering. The persecution, suffering, lamentation, and fear attributed to the emperor Domitian in the Purgatorio (22.83-4, 90) reflects the climate of terror, death, destruction, and grief at Thebes, which foreshadows Dante’s city of Dis, a metaphoric model for Hell. An air of guarded hope and optimism for the future of mankind does emerge midway through the final book (Theb. 12.481-518) in the description of the altar of Clementia (‘‘Clemency’’), which in its presentation of the ideal of humanity and compassion constitutes a solemn entreaty to a ruler to adopt a conciliatory approach to his subjects, but the appearance of this benevolent goddess is not enough to dispel the pall of gloom and despair that overhangs the epic.
World History
