The key figure and crucial link between the higher and lower levels of Roman administration in Egypt was the nome strategos, who bridged the gap between the prefect and the procurators and the local government in the cities and villages (though fasti for this office have been kept up-to-date, there has been no modern, synthetic work; the articles in Hohlwein 1969 are reprints from 1924-35). Thus this office secured and reinforced the demands from the top and represented or ignored the concerns from the bottom of the administrative pyramid. Among his several duties, the strategos oversaw the land economy, administered the assessment and collection of taxes from cities and villages, had judicial and police power, and made most of the crucial decisions regarding the appointment of individuals to compulsory public services (liturgies). He was appointed from outside the nome, probably directly by the prefect (P. Oxy. 4114-16, introduction; Gagos and Sijpesteijn 1996; J. D. Thomas 2001: 1246-8).
The strategos was in constant communication not only with the top level of administration, but also especially with the magistrates and (after 200/1) the councilors of the metropoleis as well as the village administrators, primarily the village scribe and other officials connected with the administration of taxes. His office was probably flooded with complaints, petitions, reports, and letters, and he must have produced a matching amount of documentation.
Unfortunately, no complete archive of this office has survived. The most comprehensive modern ‘‘dossier’’ is that of Apollonios, strategos of the Apollonopo-lite nome in Upper Egypt (113-20 ce). At present count, some 225 documents have been connected with this official. These form a hodge-podge of Apollonios in private and official roles, provide information about his family, and at the same time link his term in office with the famous Jewish revolt of 115-17 (see Eliav, this volume).
Most of the surviving documents do not come from his headquarters, but rather from a private residence of the family either in the city of Hermopolis or from the nearby countryside, in middle Egypt. Other texts, where he appears in official capacity, have been connected with him on prosopographical grounds. The private documents demonstrate, as expected, that the family belonged to the upper levels of Graeco-Egyptian society and owned substantial property in Hermopolis, where his family was stationed for most of his service period (see C. Pap. Jud. 436-44 and Rowlandson 1998: 118-24).
The outbreak of the Jewish revolt around 115 ce seems to have separated the family, with most members staying in Hermopolis. The relevant documents are important for viewing the strategos not only as part of the campaigning forces - he apparently went as far north as Memphis - but also as an upper-class family man who wished to protect his kin and property in moments of crisis. The Jewish revolt began with the appearance of a ‘‘Messianic’’ figure and spread north to Cyprus and then southeast to Egypt where it eventually reached Hermopolis. By late autumn of 117 Apollonios had written twice to the prefect asking for a leave of60 days to take care of his private affairs:
... For, not only have my affairs been completely neglected owing to my long absence, but also on account of the onslaught of the impious Jews practically everything I possess in the villages of the Hermopolite nome and my interests in the nome metropolis require restoration by me. If you accede to my request, after straightening out my affairs as best I can I will be able to turn to the duties of my office in better spirits. (P. Giss. 41 = Sel. Pap. II 298 = CPapJud. 443)
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