‘(3) From Hanhana to Hatina; he spends the night in the ruins of Katruma. In Pitakalasha, but may it remain out of the investigation whether he should attack Pitakalasha or whether he will conquer it peacefully. The next day, he destroys Shunapashi and Pitalahshi, then he sleeps in the fortified camp of His Majesty’s father. The following day he attacks Tashinata. In Hatinzuwa, in Tapilusha; he attacks Kashkama; in Nerik, I rebuild Nerik. From Nerik, I will ask the oracle on whether to attack the enemies immediately, or celebrate the wuruHi - festival first. If, o god — like above, the investigation is favourable. . . Result: Unfavourable. (4) From Hanhana he spends the night in the ruins of Katruma. The following day the troops of chariots attack Pikauza and the troops of the tribes advance before him. His Majesty sleeps in the fortified camp of His Majesty’s father and the troops of chariots and the troops of the tribes return to His Majesty in the fortified camp of His Majesty’s father. The following day he sets Shunapashi and Pitalahshi on fire and he sleeps in the fortified camp of His Majesty’s father. The following day, in Pikauza; he changes direction, in Ishtahara, he does not go to Kashkama anymore. In Nerik, he rebuilds the city. From Nerik I will again ask the oracle on whether to attack the enemies immediately, or celebrate the wuruHi - festival first. . . (unfavourable answer). (5) From Hanhana to. . . he spends the night in Pikanunusha. In.
. ., further away from Pitakalasha, but may it remain out of the investigation whether he should attack Pitakalasha or whether he will conquer it peacefully. He sleeps in the fortified camp of His Majesty’s father. The following day he attacks Shunapashi and Pitalahshi, then he sleeps in the fortified camp of His Majesty’s father. In Pikauza, he changes direction, in Ishtahara, in Nerik he rebuilds the city. From Nerik I will again ask the oracle on whether to attack the enemies immediately, or celebrate the wuruHi - festival first. . . (unfavourable answer). Etc.’
Oracles and magic rituals were not limited to military endeavours, but also pervaded and influenced Hittite politics. We have already mentioned how the pestilence led Mursili II to embark on a series of oracular and mantic investigations to discover the reason for the plight. Even political struggles within the Hittite court and the capital were largely dealt with through magic. Moreover, it was even possible to eliminate one’s political rival by accusing him of using ‘black’ magic to destroy his opponents. These allegations
Naturally led to the development of ‘white’ magic counter-measures (otherwise the accusations would not have been credible). Therefore, political competition, just like battles, developed along two lines, first on a ritual level, then in reality. Consequently, the outcome of the symbolic confrontation would have set the mood of the participants involved in the real confrontation.
The Hittite idea of battle as a verification ofjustice by ordeal can also be found in its historiography. First, there were ‘premonitory anecdotes’, recounting more or less famous characters (or even unknown or fictitious) that acted in a certain way, committed a certain sin, and had to suffer a specific consequence. These anecdotes were mentioned to whomever found himself in a similar situation and could learn to behave correctly, avoiding those mistakes that ruined others before him. In a way, these anecdotes were a ‘secular’ version of the Mesopotamian historical omens. In fact, it was not the appearance of an ancient omen at the time of a certain outcome that taught an individual what to do anymore, but the human and rational connection between behaviour and result, cause and effect.
However, the exceptional development of Hittite ‘historical’ literature was not aimed at establishing models of behaviour for the future, but at justifying present actions. In this sense, the Hittite attitude towards history was a consequence of their attitude towards justice and their obsession in being right. The historiography of the Middle Hittite kingdom and the Hittite empire were a clear reflection of their respective periods. The complaints against the enemy and proclamations of innocence were at the centre of war declarations and invocations of the enemy’s gods. They therefore became ‘historical preambles’ of those means used to seal new relations, namely, treaties of subordination. Having been defeated or, alternatively, having surrendered, Hittite vassals also had to endure the idea that their subordination was the rightful consequence of their previous behaviour or noncompliance to the treaty. Naturally, these reconstructions were highly tendentious, since they selected and twisted facts in order to support a point of view aimed at justifying what the Hittites did.
Another application of Hittite historiography can be found in the internal documents of the state administration, such as royal edicts and apologies. The tradition seems to have begun at the time of the founder of the Hittite state, namely, Hattusili I, who justified the selection of his adoptive son, Mursili, as heir on his deathbed. Then, there was the Edict of Telipinu. In order to justify his usurpation and avoid future usurpations, Telipinu rewrote the entire history of the Hittite state and its alliances or betrayals, and invented the model-king, Labarna. He also dealt with the issue of usurpation through imaginary future reforms. Finally, there was the Apology of Hattusili III, a clear usurper in the eyes of everyone, from Urhi-Teshub’s supporters to his own supporters and even his son. The king therefore tried to demonstrate that his illegitimacy was nothing compared to that of his nephew. Moreover, his armed revolt is described as an act of defence. Finally, Hattusili points out that divine support had ultimately proved his righteousness and fairness.
Deeds and annals are the last type of historical texts. They are already attested in the reign of Hattusili I and in the Middle Hittite kingdom. These types of texts peaked in the reign of Mursili II, with the Deeds of his father, Suppiluliuma, and his own Ten Year Annals and Detailed Annals. In these sources, the king’s self-justification is clearer in the inscription’s context (whenever it survived). Thus, Mursili’s Ten Year Annals were aimed at demonstrating that the king, despite being a ‘small king’, could rely on Ishtar’s support to solve a very difficult situation. When this overall framework is missing (the other texts are rather fragmentary), single episodes demonstrate the wider celebratory and justificatory intentions of the king. They strongly emphasise Hittite righteousness, the enemy’s immorality, and the centrality of divine intervention for Hatti’s success. However, annals were not simply apologetic texts, but an advanced stage in the development of continuous historical accounts. Therefore, they were written down to commemorate remarkable, heroic moments, filled with lessons for the future.
There are very few Hittite celebratory or monumental inscriptions. However, towards the end of the empire, Luwian hieroglyphs, which had been in use from as early as the Middle Hittite kingdom on seals, began to be used on monuments. In this regard, towards the end of the thirteenth century bc, there is a text of king Suppiluliuma II on his conquest of Cyprus and linked to the construction of a funerary monument for his father. The tone of this text was somehow similar to the monumental inscriptions found in Mesopotamia. Overall, Hittite historical or, better, political literature was more aimed at justifying the kings’ deeds rather than celebrating them, and was written for the court, rather than the wider population. However, there was still a propagandistic intent, although it was aimed at a much smaller circle of people. This was a reflection of the times, but was also a typically Hittite characteristic. For instance, contemporary Assyria translated its heroic and religious deeds into a much more celebratory literature. Therefore, in the case of the Hittites, the contrast between the external version of a particular course of events used in international relations, and the shamelessly celebratory internal version directed towards a state’s population, was not as strong. Having removed the broader population as a relevant audience, the Hittite or foreign (and internal or external) members of the international aristocracy received the same message from the Hittite ruler, namely, the self-justification of a king who sensed problems in his palace, his family and on an international level.
World History
