It has for some time been common practice in scholarship to interpret Mesopotamian epics in accordance with advances derived from the study of world folklore (e. g., Limet 1972; Komordczy 1974; Alster 1974, 1976, 1995; Berlin 1983; Edzard 1994). Such an approach seeks to identify universal, or nearly universal, narrative techniques, structures, and themes (Thompson 1955-8), sometimes called ‘‘mythic patterns’’ (Lord 1990; see also Chapters 14 and 3, by Sasson and Edmunds). A number of these patterns have been identified and represent ‘‘firsts’’ in world literature. One often finds, for example, a special relationship between the goddess and the hero (e. g., Enmerkar and Inanna, Gilgamesh and Ishtar) who is frequently semi-divine (see Chapters 6 and 7, by Nagy and Louden). Often this hero has miraculous origins (e. g., the births of Shulgi) or is saved from grave danger while still an infant (e. g., Sargon). Sometimes he is even an unlikely choice for a hero (e. g., Lugalbanda is the youngest of eight sons). An adversary often demands the surrender of the hero’s community, which leads to the summoning of a messenger (e. g., Lugalbanda), and causes the hero to prepare for a threatening encounter (e. g., Lord of Aratta and Enmerkar). The encounter frequently requires that the hero undertake quests to distant and dangerous places (e. g., Lugalbanda to Uruk, Gilgamesh to the Underworld, Sargon to Purushkhanda) which distinguish him from ordinary men. These travels are filled with exotic things and fabulous creatures (e. g., Gilgamesh visits the Scorpion-man and a garden of jeweled trees). The return and reintegration of the hero often marks a transformation of character (e. g., Gilgamesh’s new understanding of humanity (Afanas-jeva 1974)) and often confers upon him a special status (Lugalbanda obtains ‘‘saintly’’ status (Vanstiphout 2002)). While on their journeys one also finds heroes performing miraculous feats that force their adversaries to admit defeat (e. g., Enmerkar’s contests with the Lord of Aratta). The hero also demonstrates superior wisdom and cunning at critical moments in the story (Enmerkar beguiles the Lord of Aratta, Lugalbanda outwits his jealous brothers), but nevertheless shows unexpected kindness toward his adversaries (e. g., Gilgamesh does not kill Agga, Sargon does not kill Nur-Daggal).
Scholars often use such themes to demonstrate how Mesopotamian epic draws upon popular oral traditions (see Chapter 13, by J. Foley) and interpret them as serving didactic purposes, especially to demonstrate the superiority of knowledge and wisdom over physical might. Thus, some epics have been read as didactic tools for teaching important lessons in life, an assessment that finds support from a close reading of the literary development of heroes’ characters (Afanasjeva 1974; Moran 1995).
Mesopotamian epics as propaganda
Scholars also have long examined Mesopotamian epics as propaganda since they appear to function as paradigms for justifying the military campaigns of later rulers (Alster 1974; Klein 1976; Renger 1978). Indeed, there can be little doubt that the increasingly powerful institution of kingship played a significant role in the creation and promulgation of the earliest epic poems (e. g., Sumerian epics and the Shulgi epic). As propaganda they would have served to promote a sort of nationalism (Landsberger 1960; Berlin 1983), and would have been disseminated through the royal court, possibly in the form ofentertain-ment, and through the scribal academies, in the form of textual models for emulation and education. It is possible that the royal house encouraged some epics to circulate orally in the general populace as well, though we cannot know this for certain (Laessoe 1953).
Be this as it may, Mesopotamian epics were probably not written simply to justify the military efforts of contemporary kings, for the military exploits extolled in these texts often say less about a particular royal ideology than about competition for land, water, and labor, and about access to natural resources (Liverani 1995). Moreover, the heroic achievements of the kings whose names these poems celebrate often are predicated upon their obedience to the gods and their omens, and in some cases the hero in question is an En, a ‘‘priestly king.’’ Thus, we also must understand these epics as serving the theological and political ideologies of Mesopotamian ritual experts (Moran 1995; Parpola 1998; Vanstiphout 2002). It is probable that Mesopotamian epics enjoyed multiple audiences and thus served many different purposes (Alster 1992; Cooper 2001). Some of these epics might even contain elements of political opposition (Michalowski 2003).
Mesopotamian epics and literary criticism
The pervasive influence of literary criticism has also shaped the way scholars approach Mesopotamian epics by shedding light on their sophisticated literary forms and devices (e. g., Abusch 1993a, 1993b; Moran 1987; Hallo 1990; Kilmer 1996; Maier 1997; Noegel, 1991, 1994, 1995, 1997). These changes in perspective have been accompanied by a concomitant change in the way we understand the historical contexts of these texts (e. g., Klein 1976; Frahm 1999; Abusch 2001a, cf. Berlin 1983). They also have led to, and have been influenced by, a more thorough knowledge of the close interaction between written and oral modes of textual transmission in Mesopotamia (Vanstiphout 1992; Vogelzang and Vanstiphout 1992; Alster 1992, 1995). These changes in perspective, coupled with a greater appreciation for the interdisciplinarity of the ancient scribal profession (see Chapter 10, by Haslam), as well as an increased knowledge of changing literary tastes, have led scholars to question the often rigid (and almost always western) classificatory schemes that distinguish one literary genre from another.
As a result scholars have begun to see the generic boundaries of Mesopotamian epic, indeed of much of Mesopotamian literature, as far more fluid. It is now seems likely that when composing their epics, Mesopotamian bards utilized a stock repertoire of literary expressions and features common to other genres as well (e. g., hymns, prayers, proverbs, love songs, letters, didactic literature, historical annals, and myths (see, e. g., Hallo 1990)). Depending on the historical period in question, therefore, one or more of these genres had a greater impact upon, or were impacted by, the epic traditions. Thus, while monumental building accounts and autobiographical inscriptions, in particular, may have provided some of the literary influences on early epic (Alster 1995), in later periods, epics appear to have influenced historical annals and hymns (Liverani 1995), as well as naru inscriptions (Renger 1978; Westenholz, 1983). This rather fluid state of exchange between genres makes some texts difficult to categorize (see, e. g., Volk 1995).
Mesopotamian epic and other modes of interpretation
Changes in the interpretation of Mesopotamian epic also have come about under the influence of feminist criticism and ritual theory. The former has given scholars a clearer understanding of the cultural stereotypes and the literary roles that women play in Mesopotamian epic (Harris 1990; Frymer-Kensky 1992). The latter has allowed them to read the epics as representing rites of passage (Falkowitz 1983; Vanstiphout 2002; Mills 2002, but cf. Alster 1990) and to see them as confirming cultural values concerning the sacred (Capomacchia 2001).
As new methods of analysis are brought to bear upon Mesopotamian epics (e. g., discourse analysis, see Buccellati 1990, and poetics, see Michalowski 1996), they undoubtedly will yield additional insights into the cultural values and literary tastes of the ancient Mesopotamians. New methods of interpretation, however, can only confirm what scholars of Mesopotamian literature and the ancient Mesopotamian scribes themselves have always known: that Mesopotamian epic traditions are as rich in meaning as they are timeless.
World History
