CONCLUSION

An archaeological survey of the upper Upano Valley has shown the existence of at least 70 mound sites, located along the banks of the Upano River and other minor streams in the hinterland. Mounds are long platforms distributed at right angles to form a quadrangular plaza. Often a number of plazas and platforms are built together, forming small and large complexes crisscrossed by roads and streets. The combination of plazas and roads is sometimes so well conceived that one cannot help but admire, if not an incipient urbanism, then at least a carefully planned design, not seen in other similar sites in Amazonia. In Ecuador, mound sites, particularly in the highlands, often lack a sense of order, either because they have been partially destroyed or because no pattern, other than a practical utilization of local topography, has been discerned. So far, the mound complexes found on the coast, near Quevedo (Reindel and Guillaume-Gentil 1995), are the only ones that approach the planning of Upano sites.

Upano platforms are habitation sites; mound complexes are pre-Columbian villages. Perhaps people were grouped around their plazas by blood or craft affinity. There is a clear hierarchy in size and height of platforms within a single complex, as well as in size and complexity among villages. We can even speak of major centers, such as Mau, Huapula, Carmen, Yurank and Caivinahua.

Certainly, some plazas and platforms had ceremonial functions. Indeed, Porras (1987) has suggested that the Huapula site was a ceremonial center, an issue not sufficiently elaborated by him. Size, height, location, and material culture of these features are important factors in determining ceremonialism. In this context, the existence of several waterfalls in the Huapula River, just in front of the main complex and in nearby streams, should not be ignored. This is a topic worth exploring, for in the ethnographic literature of the northwestern Amazon, water, in its various manifestations, has a wide range of symbolic meanings. In this context, it would not be surprising if the turbulent Upano River itself may have been considered sacred by the pre-Columbian riverine culture that lived on its banks.

Of course, the very presence of these large earthworks suggests the existence of a chief or a caste of chiefs with enough political power to call the population to work for months and years in the construction of the monumental complexes. The power base of these lords is a matter to be elucidated with archaeological research. However, it can not be ruled out that the Upano complexes may have been part of an exchange network between the highlands and the Amazon plain. Bruhns et al. (1994) have shown that the red banded incised pottery found at Pirincay and other highland sites may well come from the upper Upano river valley. Also artifacts made of chonta (Guilielma gassipaes, a hard tropical wood) have been found in highland sites, particularly in Azuay and Canar, provinces bordering Upano territory. The archeological evidence stops here—but the ethnohistorical record points to a widespread trade in perishable goods that perhaps can be extrapolated to pre-Columbian times. Oberem (1974) has provided a comprehensive view of the matter, encompassing the Amazonian plain, which involves items ranging from slaves to salt from Huallaga, and from gourds and gold to shamanistic power and pets.

Mound building is a widespread feature in tropical pre-Columbian America. In Amazonia, besides the well known mound sites on Marajo Island in Brazil (Roosevelt 1991; see Chapter 19 in this volume) and Mojos in Bolivia (Denevan 1966, Erickson 1995; see Chapter 46 this volume), Zucchi (1973) has reported artificial mound locations (Hato de la Calzada and Betania) in the western Venezuelan llanos, dated ca. AD 500 (see Chapter 23 in this volume). In the same region (Canagua River region), Redmond and Spencer (1994:433) have found several earthen mound complexes (Late Gavan phase) initially built ca. AD 500-600. Also, in the upper Xingu region, Petersen et al. (2001:99) have reported late mound sites (AD 1500-1700). Earthworks, such as ditches, roads, small mounds and central plazas, are common features of these sites, as well as an evident settlement hierarchy. Furthermore, long and short distance trade is often suggested as a main factor in the development of these settlements. The upper Upano case study adds to the growing appreciation of Amazonia as a land suitable for the emergence of complex societies of a chiefdom nature. As research continues, the sociopolitical and economic structure of mound-building societies can be outlined and explained. Eventually, local adaptations on the Pacific coast, the Andean highlands and the tropical lowlands may be meaningfully compared and contrasted.