In terms of conquests, Sargon personally led his army to Tuttul on one side and the Persian Gulf on the other. Similarly, Naram-Sin reached Ebla (if not even the Mediterranean) and Magan. Comparing the expansion previously achieved through conflicts between neighbouring states with that of the Akkadian empire, it is undeniable that the latter was of a significantly larger scale. Admittedly, early trade and the commercial networks of the Sumerian cities of the Early Dynastic period were already quite far-reaching. These interactions were, however, based more on the presence of intermediary commercial junctions along trade routes. This kind of exchange took longer and was much more expensive. On the other hand, the Akkadian kings attempted to make their political and military plans coincide with their commercial interests. They therefore found a way to directly reach the areas providing raw materials, without relying too much on intermediaries.
In order to achieve this, the Akkadian kings had to take over the main commercial networks of the Near East. Apart from the Lower Mesopotamian one, there were those controlled by Mari and Ebla in the west, by Elam in the Iranian plateau and the ones in the Persian Gulf, centred on the port of Dil-mun. The Akkadian military expeditions outside Mesopotamia targeted precisely these three areas. For Sargon, the conquest of Lower Mesopotamia was still mainly a political and military conquest, while commercial activities were pursued either by the Akkadians themselves (in the west), or their partners (in the east).
Manishtusu and Naram-Sin effectively changed this strategy. They managed to take over the commercial networks of Ebla, Elam and, in a less definite way, also Magan (which provided a considerable booty, but the region was left unconquered). To a certain extent, however, the Akkadian takeover of these commercial networks caused their decline. The direct access to resources through plunder and conquest could have drastically damaged commercial networks. The Mesopotamian ideal considered everything outside of it as an uncivilised and deserted source of raw materials at its disposal. This ideal, however, did not take into account the fact that these areas had their own systems to extract materials, process them and exchange them, as well as their own commercial strategies and income.
Consequently, the destruction of Ebla significantly affected the political structure of northern Syria, leading to a higher degree of fragmentation. At the same time, Akkad did not manage to fully control its commercial networks. The conquest of Susiana also altered the confederate structure of the Elamite state. This political change hindered the inflow of commodities from north-eastern Iran, in particular lapis lazuli from Afghanistan and tin from Central Asia. As a result, these materials reached Mesopotamia in smaller quantities and with more difficulties than in the Early Dynastic period.
Unfortunately, the centre of the Elamite confederation, the Awan region, from which the Elamite royal family took its name, has not yet been located. On the upside, other Elamite centres, such as Susa (which was in close contact with Mesopotamia) and Anshan (Tall-i Malyan), have been located. Overall, the Elamite state included a large part of Iran and interacted with other developed centres located further east, such as Tepe Yahya (in the land of Barahshi/Marhashi) and Shar-i Sokhta (possibly the Aratta of Sumerian myths). These were crucial commercial junctions in the network, providing tin, lapis lazuli, diorite and other semiprecious stones to the west.
Within this intricate system, Akkadian action was initially cautious, focused on Susa, and then more ambiguous, alternating military victories with treaties. It is difficult to estimate how damaging Akkadian intervention was in the area. The royal inscriptions of the kings of Akkad attest to the conquest of Elam. However, the Awan dynasty continued to rule and its kings continued to hold important titles. Even the last king of the dynasty, Puzur-Inshushinak, who ruled at the time of Shar-kali-sharri, seems to have held considerable power. During his reign, however, Awan underwent a period of crisis, which spread to the other centres of the Iranian plateau. Shahr-i-Sokhta, for instance, regressed to become a village, effectively blocking the circulation of goods from the east to the west.
The decline of Elam seems to have mirrored the collapse of Akkad. It is difficult to decide whether it was only due to internal factors, or a consequence of continuous Akkadian attacks. The populations living on the Zagros, namely, the Gutians and Lullubeans, played a significant role in this crisis. The Gutians attacked Mesopotamia as well as Elam. Therefore, Elam’s decline between the Awan and the following Simash dynasty (originally from Luristan) could have been the equivalent of the Mesopotamian crisis caused by the arrival of the Gutians. However, while Mesopotamia continued to be populated, Elam went through a phase of progressive depopulation.
In the Persian Gulf, prised by the Akkadian kings especially for the tin from Magan, the island of Dilmun seems to have been able to stay safe from violent conquests and destructions. This was precisely because of its role as a commercial junction. Dilmun, however, was a unique case. The area was unable to support itself and had to import the goods needed. The area known as Magan was influenced by the so-called Umm an-Nar culture (in Oman). Magan seems to have had frequent interactions with Mesopotamia, and for this reason Naram-Sin and his army conquered it. Meluhha, influenced by the Harappa and Mohenjo Daro cultures (from the Indus Valley), was a different case. As a source for oils, exotic animals and seashells, all commodities of minor importance, Meluhha’s interaction with Mesopotamia was largely indirect. As can be seen, Anatolia, the Syrian coast, Oman, the Indus Valley, Afghanistan and Central Asia constituted a relatively integrated ‘world-system’. In this regard, the more-or-less conscious strategy of the Akkadian kings to interfere with the system as a whole did not reach completion. However, considering the territories conquered and the ones that had been destroyed, the Akkadian kings managed to get quite close to their aim.
World History
