Further indications of the importance of chariots in combat are seen in a chariot from the tomb of the marquis Yi of Zeng at Songcun, Shaanxi province. The marquis died in about 433 B. C.E., and his chariot axles were fitted with sharp bronze points. It was during this period that four-horse chariots were preferred, and young aristocrats had special periods of training in chariotry. The numbers employed in battles also increased markedly; the
Zuozhuan (Commentary of Mr. Zuo) describes an occasion when the state of Jin put more than 700 chariots into battle against the chu. The numbers of chariots and horses employed in mortuary rituals showed a corresponding increase. Three generations of the Jing clan, interred in the Middle Zhou cemetery of Fengxi near Chang’an, were all accompanied by chariots. There were only four in the earliest grave, but 15 in the latest. The ritual at this site involved dismantling the chariot and placing the components in the entrance ramp to the tomb, while horses, more than 40 in one pit, were buried separately. The horses were, it seems, killed by bow and arrow, for bronze arrows have survived with some of the skeletons. Even this number pales before later instances of horse immolation. One of the dukes of Qin during the Spring and Autumn period was buried at Fengxiang in Shaanxi alongside a pit more than 100 meters (33 ft.) long by 25 meters (82.5 ft.) wide, in which it is thought that more than 100 chariots rested. In Shandong the tomb of Jing Gong of QI (r. 547-490 b. c.e.) lay alongside pits containing neat double rows of more than 600 horses. This contrasts with a rare grave at Bianjiazhuang, which contained a chariot drawn by two small wooden statues of men.
The use of a chariot in peace during the warring STATES PERIOD is finely illustrated by a lacquer box from BAOSHAN, in Hubei. It was painted with a series of scenes demarcated by willow trees. An aristocrat is being driven on his chariot to a rendezvous. There are three persons in the box as the horses trot through the countryside, the driver holding a whip. Cranes fly overhead, and wild boar flee to the safety of the woods. The last scene shows the nobleman walking to meet three hosts, while the chariot remains, stationary, in front of a small dog. A second painted scene from the walls of a Qin palace at xianyang
Chariots were introduced into China across the steppes during the Shang dynasty. They were placed there in rich graves, complete with charioteers and horses. The use of chariots continued for more than 1,000 years, being used in warfare and ceremonies. This bronze model from Gansu in China dates to the Eastern Han dynasty and shows an aristocrat using his chariot for domestic travel. (Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY)
Shows a chariot drawn by four horses at full gallop. The earliest bamboo-slip tomb inventory is from the grave of the marquis of Zeng at leigudun and is dated to 433 B. C.E. The list includes a description of 43 chariots, but whether these were used only in the funerary procession or were actually buried adjacent to the tomb can only be determined by future excavations.
The use of chariots in warfare is best demonstrated by the Chu Tomb 1 at liuchengqiao. Excavated in 1971, this burial contained a seven-meter-deep shaft at the base of which lay three nested coffins and 270 objects of grave goods. These included bronze chariot fittings and a set of weapons—three types of arrowheads, the ko, or ax halberd, the mao, or thrusting spear, and the ji, which is a combination of both. The wooden hafts have survived, and these range up to 3.12 meters. According to the contemporary records, weapons of this great length were used when fighting from chariots.
All such depictions of or references to chariots must concede pride of place, however, to the half-scale bronze models of two four-horse chariots from the tomb complex of QIN SHIHUANGDI near modern Xi’an, the first emperor of China (r. 221-210 B. C.E.). The detail of this perfect specimen allows a full understanding of the complexities of harnessing four spirited horses to a light vehicle and provides much information that is unavailable on the basis of the remains that survive in the tombs. The pit containing the two models was located barely 20 meters from the main pyramid of the emperor. It measured 7 by 2.3 meters and reached a depth of 7.8 meters. The pit had been lined with timbers, and the two bronze chariots and their horses were placed in a line within. These bronzes represent the pinnacle of craftsmanship: The details and decoration are astonishing. When discovered in 1980, the roof had long since fallen into the chamber, damaging the two vehicles. However, careful restoration has returned them to their former perfect condition.
The foremost chariot was a war vehicle; the other represented the emperor’s vehicle for travel. The war chariot followed the traditional design of a box placed over two wheels, each having 30 spokes. The charioteer stood holding the reins. A quiver containing 50 bronze arrows hung within the box; another quiver held 12 bolts for a crossbow The shield also hung in the box, splendidly decorated with painted cloud designs. The horses were all painted white, with pink nostrils and mouths; the paint has preserved the bronze beneath from the effects of corrosion. The harnesses were represented in gold and silver components, and the bridle and headstall were intricately decorated and perfectly rendered. Even the tassels attached to the lead horse’s head and the other horses’ necks have survived. The charioteer stood beneath a large parasol, the staff of which was embellished with gold-inlaid decoration. He wore a doubletailed hat and a blue robe with white collar and cuffs. A long sword was slung from his belt behind him.
The emperor’s chariot was even more beautifully decorated. It had a large two-roomed chamber with two sliding windows on each side and a further window at the front. The interior was sumptuously painted with blue, green, and yellow phoenix and dragon motifs on a white background. The wheels and the axle were covered in cinnabar.
The most impressive feature of these two vehicles is the detail provided for their construction; the leather strapping to join the component parts, the wooden structure of the boxes, and the details of the harnessing are clearly shown. At this stage of Chinese military history, however, the chariot was beginning to bow to the development of cavalry and infantry. During the Han dynasty, chariots were used less for war than for the display of status and rank by members of the ruling elite.
Further reading: Chang, K.-C. The Shang Civilization. New Haven; Conn.: Yale University Press, 1980; Shaughnessy, E. L. “Historical Perspectives on the Introduction of the Chariot into China,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 48 (1988): 189-237.
Charklik Charklik was one of centers of the shan-SHAN kingdom of the southern tarim basin in western China. It began as a military colony, founded during the Western Han Chinese domination of their “western regions” to ensure the free passage of trade along the silk ROAD. It then developed into one of the oasis towns of Shan-shan during the second and third centuries C. E. sir AUREL STEIN visited this area in 1901 and several times thereafter and noted the foundations of a Buddhist stupa and the old encircling walls.
Charsada Charsada, a village in northwestern Pakistan, has given its name to a series of mounds. These were recognized by sir Alexander Cunningham in 1863 as the ancient city of Pushkalavati, or the City of Lotuses. The location of this important city allowed access not only to extensive rich agricultural land, but also to strategic control of the trade route linking India via TAXILA to the Kabul Valley, begram, and so to the Mediterranean world. Pushkalavati lay next to the now-dry bed of the River Sambor and adjacent to the confluence of the Kabul and Swat Rivers. The site includes several discrete mounds. The tallest, which rises to a height of 20 meters (66 ft.) above the surrounding plain, is known as Bala Hisar. Barely a kilometer to the north lies Shaikhan, while Mirabad and Mirziarat are located east of the Swat River, between one and two kilometers east of Bala Hisar. In the second century C. E., the Greek historian Arrian, drawing on earlier resources, described how Hephaistion, a general of Alexander the great, invested Pushkalavati in 327 B. C.E. during his march to the Indus. The city held out for a month and finally ceded control to Alexander in person.
WHEELER’S EXCAVATIONS
In 1903 SIR JOHN MARSHALL undertook a brief season of excavations there, but with no definitive findings. Knowledge of the site and its history relies on a seven-week season of excavations undertaken in 1958, under the direction of sir Mortimer wheeler. He cut a section on the eroding edge of Bala Hisar and extended this opened area away from the main settlement in a series of squares in an attempt to identify the margins of the city. In particular, he sought evidence for defensive works that could have withstood a siege against the troops of Alexander the Great. At that juncture, it was not known whether the mass of Bala Hisar was a platform mound raised as the foundation of a city or whether the mound accumulated through a lengthy period of occupation. The excavation supported the latter alternative. The natural substrate was reached after removing 17 meters of cultural material comprising 51 successive layers. wheeler suggested that the initial foundation dates back to the period when gandhara, the province of which Pushkalavati was a major center, was part of the achaemenid empire. It flourished in one of the richest of the imperial provinces until it succumbed to Alexander the Great. The excavation, which extended out from the current eastern edge of the mound of Bala Hisar, encountered a deep defensive ditch, the foundations of a postern gateway, and a bridge. This ditch was then traced by further excavations north and south over a distance of 360 meters.
Artifacts from the Bala Hisar excavation included many human and animal terra-cotta figurines. The female figures wore multiple necklaces and had elaborate hairstyles. Two clay seal impressions were found, one of Achaemenid style, the other Greek. Both provide evidence for trade. A Greek coin of Menander (155-130 B. C.E.) was found in the fill of a well.
During the course of the excavations of 1958, air photographs were taken of the adjacent mound of Shaikhan. On the surface, the mound appeared as a confusing mass of robber trenches, where local villagers had removed bricks for their own purposes. The aerial photos, however, furnished a clear grid plan of streets interspersed with dwellings, as it were in negative form, the walls and roads indicated by the removal of the brick structures. A large circular Buddhist stupa also appeared in this city plan. wheeler was able to contrast this sequence with that at Taxila, where the bhir mound was succeeded first by the bactrian Greek and kushan city of SIRKAP and then by the new Kushan foundation at SIR-SUKH. Despite a lack of excavation at Shaikhan, it seems beyond reasonable doubt that the site represents a Bac-trian Greek city foundation with later Kushan occupation. This is supported by the discovery of at least two hoards of Indo-Greek coins by the local villagers. It is possible that the mounds of Mirabad and Mirziarat represent a still later Kushan city, but this speculation requires archaeological verification.
Pushkalavati seems to have conceded its preeminent position to Peshawar, 32 kilometers (19 mi.) to the southwest. Peshawar was the capital of the Kushan king KANISHKA I from about 100 C. E. Visitors to the area in the seventh century c. E. found that Peshawar was twice the size of Pushkalavati.
See also seals.
Further reading: Wheeler, R. E. M. Charsada, a Metropolis of the North-West Frontier. London: British Academy, 1962.
Chau Say Tevoda This small temple is located to the east of the later city of angkor thom in Cambodia and was probably built late in the reign of suryavarman ii (r. 1113-50). The reliefs, in a ruined condition, include scenes from Hindu epics.
See also angkor.
Chengtoushan Chengtoushan is the oldest walled settlement in China, at least 1,000 years earlier than the LONGSHAN CULTURE sites of the central plains. This is best understood in the light of the evidence for early rice cultivation in the rich plain surrounding Lake Dongting. The city was founded more than two millennia after the establishment of early rice-farming villages in this part of China. Located northwest of Lake Dongting in Hupei province, central China, it occupies an elevated area, and the name means “hilltop walled city” Only two kilometers (1.2 mi.) distant lies the site of Pengtoushan, notable as one of the earliest sites to evidence the cultivation of domestic rice. Chengtoushan is roughly circular in plan and covers an area of about eight hectares (20 acres). It was extensively excavated by He Jiejun in the 1990s, with most surprising and important results providing social information. It was discovered that the earliest walled city was founded during the early Daxi culture, about 4000 B. C.E. There were then three further periods of wall construction or modification, dating to the middle Daxi, early Qujialing, and finally mid-Qujialing cultures. The site appears to have been abandoned during the Shijiahe culture in about 2000 B. C.E., after two millennia of continuous occupation. The excavation of the stamped-earth walls, which attained a width of 35 to 40 (115-132 ft.) meters and a height of at least six meters, revealed an early moat later covered by the expansion of the walls, which necessitated excavation of a further moat around the site.
Excavations have opened more than 4,000 square meters (4,800 sq. yds.) of the interior of Chengtoushan. Seven hundred burials have been unearthed, of which 200 date to the early Daxi culture, and the balance to the middle and late Daxi. While many of the inhumation burials were poor in terms of grave goods, a few were very rich. One person, for example, was interred with about 50 well-made pottery vessels and two jade pendants. Four individuals had been placed in a crouched position at the corners of the tomb. It is beyond doubt that this burial, as do other rich graves, reflects marked social divisions in society
There is also abundant evidence for people’s houses. Some had a living room and a kitchen; others had a corridor and several living rooms. Specialist manufacture is also seen in an extensive area given over to the manufacture and kiln firing of pottery Moreover, the excavation of a 10-meter-wide moat dating to the Daxi culture revealed wooden agricultural tools, bamboo and reed basketry, linen cloth, and paddles and rudders for boats. There was also an abundance of rice remains and gourds. When the eastern wall was excavated, the physical remains of an actual rice field were found, complete with ridges around the plots and irrigation ditches.
Chengzi Chengzi is a site of the longshan culture located in Shandong province, China. The site provides early evidence for the ancestor worship that was so evident in the ritual behavior of the early Shang state. The Longshan culture, dated to the third millennium B. C.E., occupies a key position in the development of early Chinese states in the Huang (Yellow) River Valley. Many settlements were walled and incorporated cemeteries that reveal the social divisions characteristic of societies close to statehood. Chengzi is no exception. Excavations there have uncovered 87 graves divided into four classes on the basis of wealth and energy expended in rituals. Fifty-four of the burials are classified as poor, with no grave goods. There are 17 Class 3 burials, among which only a few poorly constructed ceramic vessels were present. Class 2 burials incorporated a ledge for the placement of grave offerings that included fine pottery and pigs’ mandibles, while the five rich graves equipped with wooden chambers included abundant eggshell-thin pottery vessels and pigs’ jawbones.
While the sample is small, it was found that the two richer classes of burials contained male skeletons, while Classes 3 and 4 included the remains of men and women. Moreover, spatially there appear to have been two groups. The eastern group contained no rich graves and no pits associated with individual burials. The western, however, included all the rich burials as well as pits containing complete pottery vessels, artifacts of stone and bone, animal bones, and ash. These are located adjacent to specific burials and are interpreted as ritual pits to contain offerings to the ancestors.
See also taosi.
Chengziyai Chengziyai is a major walled settlement of the LONGSHAN CULTURE, located on the right bank of the lower Huang (Yellow) River in Shandong province, northeast China. It was occupied between about 2500 and 1900 b. c.e. The site covers about 17.5 hectares and was defended by a stout rampart of stamped-earth construction 10 meters (33 ft.) wide at the base and originally up to six meters (20 ft.) high. A particularly notable feature of this site is the recovery of 16 oracle bones, and very early written symbols on ceramics, representing an early stage in the development of writing. The pottery vessels themselves are thin and elegant and suggest a local specialist industry.
See also scapulomancy.
Chenla Many observers have cited Indianization as the key to understanding the rise of Chenla state in Cambodia, which preceded the kingdom of angkor; they claim that the inspiration to increasing social hierarchies was due to Indian visitors introducing new ideas. This view has been criticized for underestimating the strong and continuing contribution of indigenous Khmer culture. Thus Michael Vickery has summarized the many references in the inscriptions to local gods worshiped in Chenla temples. The local matrilineal descent system continued, and the Khmer language took its place alongside SANSKRIT in the inscriptions. Vickery prefers the notion of an Indic veneer, wherein the elites in society selectively adopted those Indian traits that suited their objectives. These included the Sanskrit language for personal and place names, the Indian script, and architectural styles. These elements contributed to the increasingly strong divisions in society that signal the formation of states, but the essential characteristics of the Chenla kingdoms were Khmer.
Chinese histories record that a state called Chenla sent an embassy to China in 616 or 617 C. E. The History of the Sui Dynasty (Sui-shu) noted that Chenla was originally a vassal of funan in Cambodia, but under its ruler Cit-rasena conquered Funan and gained independence. Subsequent references described further missions to the Chinese court; the descriptions give the impression that it was a unified state under a king, which had defeated and absorbed Funan. During the early eighth century, the histories record that Chenla was divided into two states, labeled Land Chenla and Water Chenla, respectively These references have cast a long shadow on the interpretation of this vital period in the history of Cambodia, with much energy being expended on locating the two states.
INSCRIPTIONS AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE
Many inscriptions were erected during the period of Chenla (550-800), but none uses this or any other name for a unitary state or a division into Land and Water Chenla. Michael Vickery has stressed that the proper analysis of Chenla can be undertaken only on the basis of the original documents and their accurate analysis. A further source of information, still in its infancy, is archaeological investigation. Most inscriptions were erected to record the foundation of a temple or to note meritorious donations made by benefactors. The majority were written in Sanskrit, which a later section in Old Khmer. From the earliest days of research, the location of Chenla temples through fieldwork has provided much information on the distribution of sites and the evolution of art styles and architectural preferences. Some surviving inscriptions from these sites include references to kings, place names, the titles and status of temple patrons, the extent of temple property, and the names and duties of those assigned to maintain the foundation. Although these texts are heavily biased toward the religious side of Chenla, it remains possible to identify a wide range of social and economic information from their contents.
An inscription from the small sanctuary of Kdei Ang illustrates how original documents provide an insight into the actual transition from Funan to Chenla. Written in 667 C. E., the inscription names successive members of an elite family of court officials. It begins with Brahmadatta, a retainer of King rudravarman of Funan (c. 514-50). His maternal nephews, Dharmadeva and Simhadeva, served the kings Bhavavarman and Mahendravarman. Simhavira, a maternal nephew of Dharmadeva, was an official under King Ishanavarman (r. c. 615-37). Finally, Simhadatta served King jayavarman i (c. 635-80). This dynasty of rulers is the major, but not only, evidence for central royal authority. However, by following the rulers’ history, it is possible to trace the development of increasingly centralized state authority Mahendravarman claimed victories in a series of short Sanskrit inscriptions set up in the Mun valley to the north, but these need not imply more than raiding expeditions with no long-term territorial gain. ISHANAVARMAN OF CHENLA seems to have exercised authority over a wide area, as many regional leaders acknowledged him as their overlord. One text from 250 kilometers (150 mi.) south of his capital records how the local magnate Ishanadatta referred to the heroic and illustrious Ishanavarman. An inscription from ishanapura itself describes the valor and military prowess of Ishanavarman, a king “who extended the territory of his parents.”
He was succeeded by his son, Bhavavarman II, about whom little is known except that from the region of Ishanapura he continued to maintain control over most if not all of his father’s fiefs. It is intriguing that a series of inscriptions dating to his reign record foundations by local leaders without any reference to this king, a situation that might well indicate their independence. jayavarman I
The Chenla period, from 550-800 C. E. in Cambodia, saw many royal centers being constructed. These, at Banteay Prei Nokor, incorporated brick-built temples in central positions. (Charles Higham)
Was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and administrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the vessels going up - or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensified royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of angkor.
Some other ruling dynasties and their small states are also known, but not to the same extent as the line of Bhavarman. A succession of three queens ruled at Samb-hupura, a center that controlled traffic up and down the Mekong River, and there was a line of kings with names ending in - aditya, or “rising Sun,” who ruled during the eighth century In the state of canasapura in the upper Mun Valley, a local dynasty ruled—King Bhagadatta and his successors, Sundaraparakrama, Sundaravarman, Nara-patisimhavarman, and Mangalavarman.
CHENLA ARCHITECTURE
The chenla centers are recognized on the basis of brick temples, encircling walls, and associated BARAYS, or reservoirs. The best known is Ishanapura, dominated by three walled precincts containing single-chambered temples. The doorways incorporate sandstone lintels and columns decorated with a range of motifs drawing on India for inspiration. One lintel from Wat En Khna shows a king in his throne chamber, surrounded by members of his court. The facades of the temples are also decorated in shaped bricks that include representations of palaces. These reveal aspects of richly ornamented wooden structures that have not survived. Some idea of the wealth of such courts can be obtained from a chinese account of the early seventh century, possibly describing Ishanapura. The king gave an audience every three days in a hall containing a wooden throne embellished with columns of inlaid wood and fine fabrics. He was protected by many guards and wore a crown of gold and precious stones and golden ear pendants. courtiers and officials touched the ground three times with their head below the steps leading up to the throne. At the end of the audience, members of the court prostrated themselves.
ECONOMY
The Chenla states that rose and fell between 550 and 800 were essentially agrarian, and their economy revolved around the temple. Temples were more than centers for devotion and worship, for they played a vital economic role in the management and deployment of agricultural surpluses. Most inscriptions from this period are concerned with temples and the provision of resources to maintain the personnel. Men of high status with the title pon are often mentioned for their role in temple management. Inscriptions indicate that they could donate communal land to the temple and organize their kin to produce surpluses. This system involved the accumulation of wealth in the form of rice, cloth, and land. Donations to the temple, which housed ancestral spirits, resulted in the accumulation of the merit necessary for a harmonious reincarnation.
Stored assets were also a form of tradable wealth. Surviving texts suggest that rice, cloth, or ironware could be traded, thus allowing pon to indulge in trade not only for basic food and cloth, but also for bankable assets, such as gold and silver. Land could be mortgaged to a temple in return for silver or cloth, and the product of the land was assigned as a form of interest payment. A donor might give products to the temple but receive other goods in return, or deposit goods against which to make a later claim. The temple, then, performed a key role in the appropriation of a community asset into a medium for the creation and exchange of wealth items among the elite. The more successful could accumulate sufficient capital in this way to buy further land, or they could combine assets through marriage alliances and gain sufficient wealth to increase their power and status to such an extent as to control considerable areas. The established kings, therefore, were concerned with such wealth creation, for it might encourage rivals, and their permission was often described as being necessary in the amalgamation of temples and the rights to land ownership.
The inscriptions contain numerous references to the boundaries of rice fields. Many bordered reservoirs, roads, or forests. The temples name the duties of their officiants and servants. There were priests, musicians and dancers, and craft specialists. One text records the assignment to a temple of 17 dancers or singers, 23 or 24 record keepers, 19 leaf sewers, 37 artisans (including a potter), 11 weavers, 15 spinners, and 59 rice fieldwork-ers, 46 of whom were female. There was no system of coinage, but goods were valued by measures of silver by weight, quantities of rice, or length and quality of cloth. The list of workers set out in the corpus of Chenla texts covers a wide range of economic activities. Although rice cultivation is most prominent, weaving was also a central activity, and there were specialist potters, leaf sewers, smiths, cooks, producers of salt, perfume grinders, herdsmen, and basket makers.
During the eighth century, the number of inscriptions fell markedly, and the historic record became thin. This does not necessarily imply cultural decline. On the contrary, it was during this period that such large sites as BANTEAY CHOEU near ANGKOR and BANTEAY PREI NOKOR were occupied. These sites were probably the base of a ruler known as jayavarman ii (c. 770-834 c. e.), and it was he who, through a series of military victories over rivals and a new ritual consecration, was crowned CHAKRAVARTIN, “supreme king of kings,” on the kulen HILLS and founded the kingdom of Angkor.
Further reading: Higham, C. E W The Civilization of Angkor London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 2001; Vickery, M. Society, Economics and Politics in Pre-Angkor Cambodia. Tokyo: The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for UNESCO, 1998.
Chen She (third century b. c.e.) Chen She was a Chinese peasant who toppled an empire.
The establishment of the qin empire, which concluded the WARRING STATES PERIOD in China, led to a complete transformation of governance and society and involved a harsh central dictatorial regime under the iron rule of the first emperor, qin shihuangdi, against whom Chen She led a revolt in 209 b. c.e. The SHIJI (Records of the Grand Historian, 145-86 c. e.) and hanshu (History of the Former Han, 32-92 c. e.) both described the peasants’ revolt against the second emperor of the Qin. Chen She, they record, was a peasant who, when plowing, stopped his work and said to his fellows that if he were ever to become rich and famous, he would not forget them. When they responded with derision, he asked: “How can sparrows understand the ambitions of a swan?” In due course, he and his fellows were ordered to a distant post to undertake garrison duties, but en route to their destination, they encountered heavy rain and were so delayed that there was no prospect of reaching the frontier by the appointed time. This was a crime punishable by beheading. One of Chen She’s intimates, Wu Guang, courted immediate punishment by insolence, and the commanding officer, who was drunk, let his sword slip from his hand. Wu Guang seized the sword and killed the officer and his two colleagues. Rather than now face certain death, Chen She called on his men to follow him in revolt against the new emperor. Thus began the uprising that led, ultimately, to the rise of the HAN DYNASTY.
See also Liu Ji.
World History
