In contrast to more traditional textual histories of Buddhism, in the last few decades many Buddhist scholars have begun to focus on epigraphy (e. g., Schopen 1997, 2004; Trainor 1997). As argued by Schopen (1997:30), inscriptions have at least two major advantages over the analysis of Buddhist texts—they are earlier than existing texts and they were written at the behest of ordinary Buddhists, not the monastic elite. These advantages of the inscriptional material are balanced by one major disadvantage—most of these early inscriptions were short—briefly recording donations to monasteries or pilgrimage complexes. Most often, inscriptions provided little more than the name of the donor and, perhaps, their hometown and occupation. Despite this, much can be learned of early Buddhism from donation inscriptions.
One of the more startling revelations about early Buddhism derived from an analysis of donation inscriptions is that substantial proportions record the donations of Buddhist monks and nuns. For example, the sangha make up almost a third of the donation inscriptions carved onto the railings surrounding the second-century bce pilgrimage stupas at Sanchi and Bharhut (Fogelin 2003; Luders 1912; Schopen 1997). Despite the prohibition against the accumulation of personal wealth attested to in some textual traditions, donation inscriptions unequivocally demonstrate that the sangha had access to wealth, and at times this wealth was significant (Schopen 1997). This disjuncture with texts is interesting on two fronts. First, it helps to explain the importance of monastic funeral practices discussed earlier in regard to the inheritance of a deceased monk’s property. Simply put, participation in a monastic funeral could be very lucrative. Second, many of the donation inscriptions listing the sangha are found in the large pilgrimage stupas rather than in the monasteries. This, in turn, suggests that the sangha was not as isolated from the laity as the textual accounts would suggest and that they were actively engaged with what Schopen (1997) calls the “stupa cult” at large pilgrimage complexes.