University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
The Layout and Extent of Aelia Capitolina
Archaeological remains associated with Hadrian's city of Aelia Capitolina have proven to be among the most elusive in Jerusalem's 5,000-year-long history, resulting in a lack of scholarly consensus with regard to the city's extent and the location of key features such as the Capitolium and the camp of the Tenth Legion. There are a number of reasons for these difficulties, including the paucity and problematic nature of our historical sources, the obliteration of the Roman remains by Byzantine and later overbuilding, and the fact that until recently the local ceramic repertoire of the 2nd and 3rd centuries was virtually unknown. In this paper, I discuss some of the current debates surrounding Aelia Capitolina, focusing especially on the extent of the city and the location of the camp of the Tenth Legion.
Recent numismatic finds indicating that Hadrian established Aelia Capitolina before 132 c. e. have laid to rest the controversy over whether the foundation of the Roman city was a cause or result of the Bar Kokhba revolt (see Eshel 2000: 637-43; 2006; 107). Aelia Capitolina's population initially consisted of veterans and their families, civil administrators, and legionaries (Belayche 2001; 129). Around 200 Septimius Severus visited the city and renamed it Colonia Aelia Capitolina Com-modiana Pia Felix (Eshel 200; 125; Meshorer 1989; 37-39). Elagabalus added the name Antoniniana, which appears on his coins and on brick and tile stamps of the Tenth Legion (Meshorer 1989; 63). However, Antoniniana stamps on bricks and tiles are rare and were used briefly in the early 3rd century, either under Caracalla and Elagabalus (212-222) or only during the reign of Elagabalus (218-222) (Barag 1967; 264; Geva 2003; 410, 412; Adler 2000; 125).
Scholarly consensus has traditionally regarded Aelia Capitolina as corresponding roughly with the area of the modern Old City (see Tsafrir 1999; 141). A key source for this reconstruction is the late 6th-century Madaba mosaic map, which many scholars believe shows the original Roman city marked on the north by the triumphal arch at the site of the Damascus Gate and a Byzantine-period expansion onto Mount Zion and the City of David to the south.193 However, N. Avigad's 1969-78 excavations indicated that there was little or no occupation in the area of the Jewish Quarter during the period of Aelia Capitolina. Avigad noted that all of the monumental architectural remains belonging to the period of Aelia Capitolina, including the triumphal arches at the Damascus Gate, the eastern forum (with the arch of Ecce Homo and the associated Lithostratos pavement), and the western forum (in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre), are located in the northern part of the Old City—that is, north of the supposed line of the decumanus maximus represented by modern David Street (following the Transverse Valley) (Avigad 1983: 206). To account for this phenomenon, Avigad proposed that “the built-up area of Aelia Capitolina was restricted to the northern part of the town [that is, the northern half of the modern Old City], while the Tenth Legion camped in the south” (1983: 207). Hadrian's grid plan was not extended south of the Transverse Valley until the Byzantine period (ibid.).
Avigad's proposal means that Hadrian's city of Aelia Capitolina consisted only of the northern half of the modern Old City. This gives the city a compressed, truncated shape that contrasts with the square layout generally associated with Roman city-planning (see e. g., Bahat 1990: 63; Bar 1998: 14). N. Belayche (2001:132-33) and Y. Eliav (2005: 109, 116-24) have each attempted to resolve this problem by excluding the area to the north of the Temple Mount from Aelia (reviving an earlier suggestion by L.-H. Vincent).194
I have suggested that the so-called Third Wall (to which I refer as the northern line), located about 400 m to the north of the Old City, was intended to serve as the north wall of Aelia Capitolina (see fig. 1). A triumphal arch with dedicatory inscriptions to Hadrian and Antoninus Pius that was discovered in the 19th century in the vicinity of the northern line apparently marked the northern entrance to Aelia Capitolina (I refer to this as the northern arch) (Magness 2000: 328-39, with discussion and references).195 In a careful analysis, G. Avni has shown that burials of
Fig. 1: Plan of Aelia Capitolina, showing the northern line as the north wall of Hadrian's city (from Magness 2000: 332, fig. 2), reproduced with permission of the Harvard Semitic Museum.
The 2nd to 4th centuries are located to the north of the Third Wall, supporting my suggestion that the northern line was the urban boundary of Hadrian's city (Avni 2005: 373-96). This means that Aelia Capitolina was laid out along the lines of a typical Roman city—that is, as roughly square. The monumental Hadrianic arch at the site of the Damascus Gate marked the entrance to a semicircular plaza in the center of the city, not at its northern edge. It is paralleled by the famous ovoid plaza at Jerash (Gerasa) in Jordan, a Decapolis city that was also visited and rebuilt by Hadrian (see Magness 2000: 334).
My reconstruction means that Hadrian planned Aelia Capitolina as a walled city, contrary to current scholarly consensus (see, e. g., Belayche 2001: 133; Eliav 2005: 108; see also Magness 2000: 331). Paulus Orosius, a Christian apologist who visited Jerusalem in 415, mentions that Hadrian rebuilt the walls of the city: “and he restored the city to high prosperity by rebuilding the walls, giving orders that it be called Aelia after his own first name” (Orosius 1964: 308; 7.13.5 [Deferrari]; for the Latin, see Patrich 2002: 176 n. 12). If the northern line is indeed the Third Wall described by Josephus, this passage might refer to its reconstruction by Hadrian. Archaeological evidence indicates that, by the late 3rd or early 4th century, the northern line was abandoned and replaced by the current line of the north wall of the Old City (see Magness 2000: 336-37).
Two major streets ran southward from the plaza at the Damascus Gate: the main Cardo (cardo maximus) and a secondary cardo along the Tyropoeon Valley. If my reconstruction is correct, the main cardo continued north from the site of the Damascus Gate to the northern arch. Hadrian also established two fora, one to the north of the Temple Mount and another on the western side of the city. A temple or shrine to Capitoline Jupiter was established on the Temple Mount or (according to some scholars) by the western forum, in the vicinity of the site later occupied by the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.196 A temple to Venus (Aphrodite) was apparently erected by the western forum (roughly on the site of Golgotha) (see Tsafrir 1999: with references). Coins indicate that the cults of Sarapis and Dionysus were popular among the Roman soldiers of Aelia (Meshorer 1989: 26). Although no temple or shrine to Dionysus has been found, his attributes and a possible depiction of the god decorate some of the vessels produced in the legionary kiln works at Binyanei Ha’uma, and a marble capital with ivy leaves is in the collection of the al-Aqsa mosque. (For the kiln works, see Magness 2005: 69-191; for the capital with ivy-leaves, see Meshorer 1989: 26, 43-44.) A healing sanctuary associated with Asclepius and Sarapis was located at the old Probatic Pools, by the later church of St. Anne (see Belayche 2001: 163-65; Eliav 2005: 113-16). In 1874, C. Clermont-Ganneau discovered two vases decorated with Mithraic iconography in excavations beneath houses on the north side of the Via Dolorosa. These vases may indicate there was a subterranean Mithraeum to the east of the Asclepeium (see Magness 2003: 163-71).
The Location of the Legionary Camp
Many of the controversies surrounding Aelia Capitolina concern the location of the Tenth Legion's camp. Josephus mentions that the legion camped by the Hero-dian towers to the north of Herod's palace (at the northwest corner of the Second Wall) after the fall of the city in 70 ( J. W. 6.413; 7.1-2, 5). However, excavations in the Citadel and the Armenian Garden have not revealed identifiable remains of barracks, although there are scattered deposits of stamped legionary tiles and bricks (see Tushingham 1985: 60-64; Geva 1994; 163). Nevertheless, some scholars locate the legionary camp on the western hill. According to Y. Tsafrir, the camp occupied the western hill but was obliterated by later overbuilding and left no discernible architectural remains (Tsafrir 1999; 127). Tsafrir, following Vincent, believes that the camp originally occupied the entire western hill (except Mount Zion) and that after the establishment of Aelia Capitolina it was limited to the western half of the western hill (the Citadel and the Armenian Garden), that is, the area to the west of the main Cardo (Tsafrir 1999; 129). G. Stiebel reverses this, proposing that the camp originally occupied a small area by the Citadel and that after the establishment of Aelia Capitolina it expanded in size and relocated to the southwest of the Temple Mount (from the secondary Cardo eastward) (1999; 68-103). According to Tsafrir, the camp had fortification walls right from the start, whereas Stiebel believes that only the later camp southwest of the Temple Mount was fortified (Tsafrir 1999; 124-35; Stiebel 1999; 89-91). According to H. Geva, the camp left few traces because it was unfortified and occupied only the western part of the western hill from 70 until the legion was transferred to Aila (Geva 2003; 414; 1984; 239-54).
Some scholars argue that the absence of evidence on the western hill means that the legion was camped elsewhere. D. Bar places the camp in the northwest corner of the modern Old City—in the area of today's Christian Quarter, around the Church of the Holy Sepulcher (1998). E. Mazar believes that the legionary camp was located on the Temple Mount and the area to its southwest, whereas Stiebel places the camp outside the southwest corner of the Temple Mount (E. Mazar 1999; 52, 58, 60).197
E. Mazar's and Stiebel's suggestions are based on the presence of legionary structures to the southwest of the Temple Mount. Because these represent the only substantial architectural remains associated with the Tenth Legion discovered in the Old City, they cannot be dismissed easily. Furthermore, larger numbers of Aelia Capitolina coins have been discovered in the Temple Mount excavations than anywhere else in Jerusalem; 192, compared with only 6 from the Citadel and none from the Armenian Garden (see E. Mazar 1999; 58). The architectural remains include a legionary bakery abutting the south side of the pier of Robinson's Arch. The ovens were paved with legionary bricks that had square or rectangular framed stamps. A bread stamp inscribed in Latin PRIM was discovered in one of the rooms. According to Mazar, the coins and pottery found under the floors of the ovens provide a terminus post quem during the reign of Antoninus Pius (138-61) (E. Mazar 1999: 55).198 Stiebel notes that, in the western empire, legionary bakeries were typically located in the intervallum or were built into the earthen rampart surrounding the camp to distance the ovens from the barracks (1999: 72).
A large legionary bathhouse that incorporates stamped bricks was uncovered northwest of the bakery. The excavated portion includes a caldarium, tepidarium, la-conicum (a circular dry-sauna room), frigidarium, natatio (large pool), palaestra, and small latrine (E. Mazar 2000: 87-102; Perez 2000: 103-16).199 A large public latrine was located outside the southeast corner of the bathhouse, along the east side of the pier of Robinson's Arch (E. Mazar 2000: 92).
Two milestones inscribed with the names of Vespasian and Titus were found to the southwest of the Temple Mount (one was built into the wall of an early Islamic palace) (E. Mazar 1999: 57-58; Isaac and Gichon 1998: 86). The name of the legionary commander and provincial governor was later obliterated from the inscriptions. B. Isaac and M. Gichon identify him as Flavius Silva, who was removed from office and suffered a damnatio memoriae after Domitian became emperor.200 Their identification might be supported by a recent find: a fragment of a monumental Latin inscription on a massive limestone slab. This fragment turned up in the collection of the Islamic Museum on the Temple Mount. The five lines of preserved text record the dedication of an arch by Flavius Silva, apparently in honor of Vespasian and Titus (Gruell 2006: 183-200).201
The legionary bakery and bathhouse required a large and steady supply of fresh water. The Herodian high-level aqueduct brought water from the area of Ain Ar-roub and Solomon's Pools near Bethlehem. Inscriptions on stone segments of the aqueduct with the names of centurions of the Tenth Legion attest to reconstruction or repair activities in the year 195 (see Stiebel 1999: 76; Isaac 1998: 54; Tsafrir 1999: 163). Stiebel and E. Mazar believe that the aqueduct brought water to the southwestern side of the Temple Mount (where they locate the legionary camp), contrary to the usual view that the destination was the western hill. 202 Recent excavations indicate that the high-level aqueduct originally was built by Herod and that the legionary inscriptions are associated with its reconstruction or repair (see Amit 2002: 252-56).
Under one of the early Islamic palaces to the southwest of the Temple Mount, Benjamin Mazar uncovered two rooms from the time of Aelia Capitolina (L1048, 1095). Two successive floor levels were discovered in these rooms. The earlier, original floor was thickly plastered and was covered with ash, attesting to destruction by fire. The upper floor, of small flagstones, was poorly preserved (B. Mazar 1971: 11). The finds included two small bronze figurines and a large number of dice (ibid.).11 Although B. Mazar described all of the pottery from these two rooms as Roman, the oil lamps he illustrates date to the 3rd to 5 th centuries.203 204 In contrast, M. Ben-Dov illustrates discus lamps dating from the mid-1st to 3rd centuries from the excavations but without mentioning their provenience (1985: 198-99). B. Mazar observed that “The coins [from these rooms] were all found on the lower floor and up to about 2 meters above; they are from the period of Aelia Capitolina and are mostly city coins of the 3rd century c. e, including some of Aelia itself” (1971: 11).
The same early Islamic palace yielded a monumental Latin inscription dedicated by the colony to Septimius Severus and his family (Avi-Yonah 1969: 22-24).205 This inscription belonged to a monumental triumphal arch of Septimius Severus that apparently marked the southern entrance to the city (Cotton and Eck 1997: 11-20). Eliav suggests this may be the ancient south gate of the city mentioned by the Piacenza Pilgrim, while Stiebel identifies it as the gate through which the Bordeaux Pilgrim passed on his way to Mount Zion in 333 (Eliav 2005: 101; Stiebel 1999: 86). M. Avi-Yonah dated the inscription to the years 202-205, but H. Cotton and W. Eck note that it could have been erected on the occasion of Septimius Severus' visit to Jerusalem in 199 (Avi-Yonah 1969: 23).206
The Legionary Kiln Works
The kiln works of the Tenth Legion were located at Binyanei Ha’uma (Giv'at Ram). The final publication of the pottery has yielded several unexpected results. First, the pottery types and technology are Roman and are alien to the native Palestinian tradition, indicating that the pottery was manufactured by military potters (Magness 2005: 106-7). Second, the kiln-works produced pottery for only a relatively short period—perhaps only two to three generations in the 2nd century and apparently not into the 3rd century (it is not clear whether production began after 70 or only after 135). In other words, pottery production dates to the time of Hadrian and the later Antonines, but not later (although perhaps beginning earlier). This explains why Binyanei Ha’uma products have such a limited distribution, with the largest number of parallels coming from the Armenian Garden (Magness 2005: 104-5).
Based on his study of the legionary stamps from the Jewish Quarter excavations, Geva reached the same conclusion about the dating of the Tenth Legion's stamped bricks and tiles that I reached regarding the pottery: “Our conjecture is that the Tenth Legion workshops manufacturing building materials stamped with the legion's name mainly operated during the 2nd century c. e.” (2003: 411). Geva's conclusion contradicts the currently accepted chronology of the Tenth Legion's stamped bricks and tiles, which dates the production to a 200-year period (see Barag 1967). In my opinion, Geva's suggestion is supported by the fact that elsewhere in the empire (including at Dura Europos) Roman legions do not seem to have produced stamped bricks and roof tiles in the 3rd century.207
The assignment of the Binyanei Ha’uma pottery to the 2nd century also means that my chronology of the late Roman pottery of Jerusalem needs to be revised. The local late Roman types appeared no later than ca. 200 or perhaps even earlier, instead of ca. 300. These types were inspired by and represent imitations of Binyanei Ha’uma products (Magness 2005: 105-6). Large numbers of these local Late Roman types were found in the fills beneath the Cardo and Justinian's Nea Church. Presumably, some are associated with the 3rd-century (and perhaps even 2nd-century) settlement in Aelia Capitolina and not only with occupation in the 4th and 5th centuries. Perhaps this material originated in dumps associated with the camp of the Tenth Legion in Jerusalem, which were used or imported as fills to level the ground when Justinian constructed the southern extension of the Cardo and the Nea Church (2005: 106). If this is the case, it may help explain why the remains of the legionary camp have been so elusive.
The controversies surrounding the extent of Aelia Capitolina and the location of the legionary camp are due largely to our inability to distinguish between developments that occurred (for example) between the two Jewish revolts and the reigns of Hadrian, the later Antonines, the Severans, and the rest of the 3rd century. This is reflected in the debates over the location of the legionary camp. For example, E. Mazar notes that all the legionary stamps discovered in the bakery and bathhouse to the southwest of the Temple Mount have a square or rectangular frame; there are no circular stamps, which D. Barag dates between 70 and 135 (E. Mazar 1999: 55; Barag 1967: 245-47). On the other hand, pipes found in situ in the Citadel bear circular stamps, although there are also roof tile fragments with rectangular legionary stamps (Geva 1994: 163). E. Mazar therefore suggests that the legion was camped by the Citadel from 70 to 135 and moved to the Temple Mount and its southwest corner of the Temple Mount after the establishment of Aelia Capitolina (E. Mazar 1999: 59). According to Stiebel, the legionary camp moved from the area of the Citadel to the Tyropoeon Valley by the late 70s, as indicated by the milestones with the dedicatory inscriptions to Vespasian and Titus.208
Much of the development of the area southwest of the Temple Mount seems to have occurred after the initial establishment of Aelia Capitolina, especially during the reign of Septimius Severus, when a monumental arch was erected in this area. Septimius Severus' military reforms allowed soldiers to marry and increased family settlements in Aelia, especially outside the camp (Belayche 2001: 127, 129). The expansion of the settlement would have been one consequence of these reforms and is reflected in the establishment of villas at 'En Ya'el and Ramat Rahel.209 The continued refinement of the chronology of the local pottery and legionary stamps should enable us better to understand the development of Aelia Capitolina and to identify the location of the legionary camp.210
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Part 4
The Byzantine Period
World History
