On the basis of the previous brief review of recent work in the Puuc, a number of new—or better, continuing—directions present themselves (we also refer the reader to Ball’s [1994] excellent summary chapter on northern Maya archaeology). Any future-directions section would not be complete without yet another plea for more and better chronological information. The Puuc ceramic sequence, not only for the Terminal Classic but for both earlier and later periods as well, remains vague and imprecise. Clearly, as at Sayil, stratigraphy is not always readily available, nor are radiocarbon, thermoluminescence, and obsidian hydration dates without their attendant possibilities for error, misinterpretation, and idiosyncratic interpretation. However, some promising first efforts have been made at Sayil, Chac II, Xkipche, and in the Xculoc region, efforts that need to be expanded to other sites and regions. Despite such stratigraphic and absolute dating challenges, any model of Puuc society, such as that presented above, still must be reconciled against chronological and archaeological reality.
The resolution of the overlap issue, of central importance for northern Yucatan prehistory, remains controversial, and although most scholars now accept at least a partial overlap, the areal and temporal extent of the overlap is still hotly debated (see Cobos Palma, Chapter 22, this volume). We favor a partial overlap that begins in the mid-Terminal Classic period (mid-ninth century), but with Chichen Itza continuing to thrive for some time after the fall of Uxmal. Another issue presents itself through the presentation of the foregoing model: if Uxmal did try to assert itself as a regional capital, what archaeological evidence would we need to see to validate this hypothesis? Future examination of critical areas of the hypothesized Uxmal state, such as that between Uxmal and Oxkintok, could prove enlightening. We hypothesize a Chichen Itza military presence in the Puuc, but clear, unambiguous indicators of that presence still elude us. What exactly does the presence of late, round temples in the Puuc mean? What does the presence of “non-Puuc”-style architecture and sculpture mean? What does the presence of non-Cehpech ceramics mean? A number of possibilities, apart from military conquest by Chichen Itza, present themselves. For example, such remains may be indicators of an attempt by Puuc elite to voluntarily co-opt the symbols, both religious and political, of a successful neighbor. This emulation may or may not have been related to Uxmal’s need—perceived or otherwise—to buttress her own power. Such archaeological patterning may also suggest intermarriage or elite alliance formation. As Ringle, Gallareta Negron, and Bey (1998) have suggested, the appearance of such nonlocal traits may also indicate the spread of a broader, “pan-Mesoamerica” cult that had little specific relationship with Chichen Itza as a conquering military power.
Clearly, we need to utilize broader anthropological understanding and ethno-archaeology to systematically illuminate the sociopolitical implications behind changing artistic styles, particularly when such change occurs shortly before the settlement’s abandonment. The results of such endeavors must then be combined with the formulation of archaeologically testable hypotheses. Even more clearly, we have much “dirt archaeology” still to do before the culture history and sociopolitical dynamics of the Puuc region are understood.
Our review has also pointed out that our understanding of the internal organization of Puuc communities and polities is improving but far from adequate. That varying degrees of shared governance characterized different Puuc communities at times during the Late and Terminal Classic periods is clear. What is much less clear are the bases for and nature of such governance systems. Even in the Uxmal regional state under the reign of the seemingly omnipotent Lord Chaak, shared governance seems to have played a role. A program of research combining archaeological and epigraphic investigations, similar to that done in the Copan Valley, could help clarify the nature of rulership and governance at various centers.
The Puuc region also presents a unique opportunity to investigate the nature of rural settlement. Because of the dependence of Classic populations on chultuns to meet their domestic water needs, the identification of apparently seasonally occupied “hamlets” and farmsteads may be possible. Do these rural settlements have other indications of seasonal occupation? Can we identify a unique artifac-tual signature of seasonal occupation that can be transferred to other regions? If so, the implications for our understanding of ancient Maya settlement systems and demography are enormous.
We have suggested that drought may have been a significant factor in the depopulation of the Puuc region. Unfortunately, that suggestion is made without the benefit of much paleoenvironmental data from the Puuc region itself Paleo-ecological data from the Puuc is sorely needed to compare with the growing body of information from other regions. Ideally, a program targeting the retrieval of a suite of paleoenvironmental and paleodietary data in combination with settlement studies, such as has been done in the Copan Valley and Petexbatun regions, can be accomplished in the Puuc. Until such data and analyses are forthcoming, arguments about the degree to which drought or other environmental perturbations may have influenced cultural history and the extent to which agricultural failure may have driven regional depopulation must remain speculative.
Finally, our review has noted that there is growing evidence that the depopulation of the Puuc was a more gradual process than once believed, with some sites showing evidence of small lingering populations, while a few others continued to be occupied well into the Postclassic. If we are to understand the nature of the Terminal Classic in the Puuc and elsewhere in the northern lowlands, then we must also further examine both communities that were abandoned and those that carried on. Only then can we truly understand the high times in the hill country.
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