The ability of the Third Dynasty of Ur to establish order and unity in its centre was not paralleled by an equal presence in the surrounding regions. The latter were still recovering from the Akkadian interventions and were involved in a series of developments that would eventually spread to Mesopotamia itself. Following the Akkadian expeditions against the Elamite confederation ruled by the dynasty of Awan, a new balance of powers was established in the regions south of the Iranian plateau and in the Persian Gulf (Figure 9.5). Although the role of the kings of Ur there was defined, it was largely marginal. Only during Shulgi’s reign, the ruler conquered Susiana, which would remain a province of the empire until the reign of Ibbi-Sin. Under Ur III
Figure 9.5 Map of the Iranian plateau and the Persian Gulf in the second half of the second millennium bc.
Control, Susiana was governed by an ensi appointed by the king. The area was therefore included in the Mesopotamian nucleus of the empire and fully integrated both on a political and administrative level.
However, in the surrounding areas, the rest of Elam remained independent. In fact, from an Elamite perspective, Susa was only a marginal city bordering with Sumer. The kings of Ur interacted with the regions of Anshan (Fars), Shimashki and Zabshali (north of Susiana) through a series of peace treaties, containment policies and threats. At times this interaction was expressed through marriages between the daughters of the kings of Ur and the Elamite kings, or military expeditions. However, the kings of Ur never reached a stable control of the area. On the contrary, the necessity to face the Sumerian threat was one of the main catalysts behind the rise of the ‘dynasty of Shimashki’. The latter managed to remain independent, and even had a crucial role in the fall of Ur.
Apart from Elam, there were other political and cultural entities with which the Third Dynasty of Ur interacted (though less distant than the ones with which Akkad interacted), although mainly for commercial purposes and not directly. The main state of southern Iran, located east of Anshan, was Barahshi. This area was briefly conquered by the Akkadian kings, but overall remained independent, being far from Lower Mesopotamia. Its centre corresponded to the area of Kerman, and included sites such as Tepe Yahya and Shahdad. Military interventions were then substituted by the frequent exchange of messengers between the area and the kings of Ur. This demonstrates the commercial interaction between the two, at times expressed through some marriages between the two royal families. However, it was Barahshi, rather than Ur, that initiated these interactions. From Ur’s perspective, Barahshi was a distant land, only important for semiprecious stones (just like in the Early Dynastic period), animals and exotic plants.
The same can be said about Magan, provider of copper, and the distant Meluhha, provider of exotic and minor products. Also in this case, trade (chiefly by sea) was mainly mediated through other agents, mostly local partners. The main commercial junction was the free port of Dilmun, which in this period was at its peak, at least judging from the archaeological remains. Sumerian merchants did not travel further than Dilmun and mainly acquired raw materials from there. Initiatives were mainly in the hands of Meluhha.
This was the result of the rising influence (which is also visible archaeologically) of Indus culture in the Persian Gulf. Compared to the Akkadian period, there was a concrete change in the degree of commercial activities and political influence, which now moved further east. This allowed Mesopotamia to maintain ties in an indirect and less aggressive way.
A similar situation can be found on the other side of Mesopotamia, with a relatively modest and indirect Neo-Sumerian influence reaching Syria. The crucial centre of interactions with western Syria was the city of Mari. The city had already been conquered by Sargon and was now ruled by a series of ‘governors’ (Sumerian sagina, Akkadian sakkanakku), who were more independent than the ensi. This line of sakkanakku had become completely autonomous after the fall of the Akkadian empire, and continued to remain as such in the Ur III period and after. However, it always maintained its commercial and diplomatic relations with its powerful neighbour.
Apart from Mari, the disappearance of the Eblaite kingdom had left a power vacuum, which allowed the rise of the Martu (Amorites). The latter were a Western Semitic tribal and pastoral group that began to threaten the empire’s centre. Within the general influence of the Amorites in Syria, some cities remained autonomous and managed to have a certain degree of commercial interaction with Ur. Some messengers of the ensi of Tuttul, Ebla, Urshum and Byblos are in fact mentioned in the administrative texts of Amar-Sin. Despite being defined as such by the Neo-Sumerian scribes, these ensi were not dependent on Ur. They were independent rulers, as their limited interaction with the Ur III kings clearly shows.
The Third Dynasty of Ur invested considerably more in its military and political conquest of the north. Despite being far from the territory included by the frontier wall, isolated in a turbulent and hostile territory (as indicated by the many campaigns of Ur in the area), the city ofAshur was fully integrated with the empire. It even had an ensi appointed by the king. The strategy of Shulgi and his successors must have been aimed at securing the area around Ashur and other cities further north (Urbilum was also ruled by a sagina). In this way, the kings tried to keep the circulation along the Tigris and access to Upper Mesopotamia under control. This strategy was meant to oppose the rise of the Hurrians (Urkish-Nawar) and the incursions of the people inhabiting the Zagros area. At first sight, this effort seems to have been excessive for the results obtained and its apparent aims. It is necessary to note, however, that without these military interventions in the north, the kings of Ur would have become a strictly local power. In their attempt to become an imperial power, they saw Upper Mesopotamia as their main target. Moreover, it is possible that the kings of Ur were trying to reach beyond this difficult area, namely, the mineral deposits of Anatolia.
By the end of the third millennium bc, Anatolia had experienced several movements of people and a dramatic decrease of settlements in a number of areas (mainly in the central plateau, the Konya Basin and Cilicia). However, the area remained an important resource for minerals and metals. Findings such as the royal tombs of Alaca Huyuk indicate the presence of a rich political elite living in areas far from disruptions and migrations (therefore in areas still influenced by Hattic culture). These elite groups, whose main income came from their control of copper ores (Ergani Maden) and silver mines (Bulgar Maden), could have stayed in contact with the Lower Mesopotamian cities throughout the Neo-Sumerian period. This interaction could have rekindled an interest in the area. The latter was already an area of interest for the kings of Akkad, but would be better documented in the Old Assyrian period.
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