‘To the king my lord, (from) your servant Ashur-dur-paniya. May it be well with the king my lord. Concerning the workers the king my lord wrote to me about (saying) “Give them to the chief of the servants, so that they will do their work”: my workers are sixteen. Three are with the palace herald, three are working in the citadel, ten are working by the city wall: a total of sixteen workers that are all engaged. And their sons are helpers and trainees: not one of them knows how to work, (but) they bring baskets (of bricks) to the wall. (Thus) I say: for (these) workers there is enough work; I cannot give them away. I have (already) given up some of my workers for the construction of the citadel, and for the palace herald. But my own work, that under my supervision, is already too much. These ten workers that have (stayed) with me, are not moving: they have to break bricks here.’
Even in terms of military activities, Sargon continued with the same level of personal involvement and continuity as Tiglath-pileser. In Syria and the Levant there was now very little to complete, since the siege of Samaria, begun under Shalmaneser V, had ended the same year as Sargon’s enthronement. Hama became an Assyrian province, moving the Assyrian border as far as Judah. However, the main Phoenician and Philistine cities remained autonomous. The revolts in the area were still supported by Egypt, which was soon defeated (Raphia). Sargon also ventured into the Mediterranean, understanding that the coast of the ‘Upper Sea’ was not the end of the world, but the beginning of another one equally rich in people, commercial networks, techniques, and interesting materials.
The king managed to conquer Cyprus, but control over the island remained difficult to consolidate for a continental power such as Assyria. Nonetheless, this conquest allowed the expansion of the Assyrian sphere of tributary states and the increase of the propagandistic celebration of the king’s achievement. The distance of the destinations reached and those glimpsed naturally led to the reminiscence of an almost mythical past. In this regard, Egypt and Nubia, which were now ruled by an ‘Ethiopian’ dynasty (the Kus-hite dynasty), were called Magan and Meluhha, reviving an ancient terminology whose original meaning was now lost. By sailing in the Mediterranean, the expedition in Cyprus allowed the king to surpass the traditional Assyrian pride ofjust reaching the sea.
The conquest of Cyprus (Yadnana) in the middle of the Upper Sea was mirrored by the tribute from the king of Dilmun, in the middle of the Lower Sea. The homage of Dilmun was a consequence of the position achieved by Sargon II in Babylonia. There, a new triangle of power appeared between Assyria (whose king formally claimed to be king of Babylonia), the Chaldeans, the only local (intrusive, but by now established and integrated) power able to oppose the Assyrians, and Elam. The latter reappeared in Mesopotamia as a military support for the Chaldeans against the Assyrians. In particular, Sargon had to face Marduk-apla-iddina. The latter was now the hegemonic leader of the Chaldean tribes, and had the support of the Elamite kings Humbanigash and Shutruk-Nahhunte. The Assyrian military interventions in 720 and 710 bc managed to provide Sargon with a temporary supremacy. However, they failed to solve the problem once and for all. This was due to the elusiveness of the Chaldeans and the inaccessibility of Elam. Consequently, the Assyrian presence in Babylonia continued to be difficult and unstable.
Sargon’s main efforts, then, were focused on the northern front, from the Neo-Hittite states in the north-west to Urartu, the Zagros, and the Iranian plateau. Under Tiglath-pileser III, the Neo-Hittite states had managed to remain autonomous (although they still had to pay a tribute). With Sargon, they became Assyrian provinces. Carchemish, Gurgum, and Kummuh, and perhaps even Sam’al and Que (although we lack the evidence on the decisive moment of their annexation), became relatively stable provinces. Hilakku and Tabal, located in the Taurus and thus less easily accessible for the Assyrian army, were less solid provinces. Indeed, behind the resistance of Tabal, Sargon could sense a Phrygian support. Mita, king of Mushki (the Phrygian king Midas attested in Greek mythology) now bordered with the Assyrian territories in Cappadocia, supported Tabal, but remained far enough to avoid a direct Assyrian intervention. This led to a diplomatic agreement between Mita and Sargon. In this way, the Assyrian king managed to deal with the last oppositions of the westernmost Neo-Hittite states under his control.
The support provided by Urartu to the Neo-Hittite states and its influence over the states bordering with Assyria, such as Musasir or Gilzanu, was a far more serious problem. The victory of Kishtan may have removed the Urartian presence west of the Euphrates, but did not compromise the kingdom’s stability and its ability to intervene outside its borders. King Rusa controlled Musasir, an Urartian cultic centre and a strategic city posing a serious threat to Assyria. He also extended his influence on the Mannaeans (southeast of Lake Urmia), taking away an important provider of horses from Assyria. Sargon thus decided to intervene in the heart of the Urartian state. His ‘eighth campaign’ (714 bc) is well known for its political and military achievements. However, it is also remarkable for the detailed, first-hand account about the campaign in a letter that the victorious king wrote to the god Ashur. There, the king provided an account of the war commissioned by the deity. In a long and victorious expedition, Sargon regained control over the Mannaeans, and punished Rusa and his allies (Zikirtu in particular). Then, he sacked Musasir, bringing a rich booty back to Assyria. This was a severe blow for Urartu and in particular for Rusa, who, according to Sargon, killed himself out of despair.
Just like Tiglath-pileser, Sargon came into contact with the Indo-Iranian groups and the tribes of the ‘distant Medes’. He also reached Mount Bikni and described new and wonderful places. However, a new population appeared north of the lands of the Urartians and Mannaeans, namely, the Cimmerians (Gimir-raya). Their rise was worrying the Assyrians (their concern is attested in their oracular consultations). For a while, the Cimmerian expansion was partly contained by the Urartians, whose presence protected the Assyrian empire from the waves of infiltrations from the north. However, a clamorous victory of the Cimmerians over the Urartians threw Assyria into panic.
Sargon died in battle in the land of Tabal in a minor conflict, and his body was left unburied. This was an extraordinary situation that required an explanation. Sargon therefore must have committed a ‘sin’ (perhaps his usurpation of the throne, or maybe something else?) to arise such a drastic divine punishment. Sargon’s successor, his son Sennacherib, was chosen by his father and was already involved in the government of the state. The new king took care not to mention his father in his inscriptions, and launched an inquiry on his father’s ‘sin’. Moreover, Sennacherib immediately abandoned the new capital Dur-Sharrukin, in order to show his detachment from his cursed father.
World History
